WikiLeaks -

WikiLeaks | September 4, 2011

WikiLeaks - Privatization or Monopolization by Al Amoudi in Ethiopia ?
http://wikileaks.org/cable/2008/01/08ADDISABABA82.html

An examination of available information on privatized enterprises in Ethiopia shows that companies owned by, or affiliated with, Ethio-Saudi billionaire Sheik Mohammed Al Amoudi have purchased the vast majority (in terms of value) of enterprises. Nearly every enterprise of significant monetary or strategic value privatized since 1994 has passed from the ownership of the Government of Ethiopia (GoE) to one of Al Amoudi's companies. While the privatizations of these enterprises were for the most part competitive tenders, the dominance of Al Amoudi brings into question the true competitiveness of the process.According to information provided in December by EPA, 254 enterprises have been privatized to date, 21 of which went to Al Amoudi companies. EPA declined to give price information to post.While companies related to Sheik Al Amoudi have purchased a small number of the total privatized entities, the Sheik has cherry-picked the best of the companies sold to date. For example, Legedembi is the only large scale gold mine in the country, and Wush Wush is the sole plantation-style tea producer. There are no overt indications of impropriety in the bidding process, and the Sheik is likely the wealthiest entity to have a significant interest in the Ethiopian economy. However, Al Amoudi is known to have close ties to the ruling TPLF/EPRDF regime, and rumors persist of favorable treatment. Regardless of these unproven accusations, the Sheik's influence in the Ethiopian economy cannot be underestimated. Post will continue to track privatization and monitor future awards for any indications of a more inclusive process.

Wikileaks - CUD leaders' Charges "Political Offenses" not Criminal thus will grant visas href="http://wikileaks.org/cable/2007/08/07ADDISABABA2635.html"> http://wikileaks.org/cable/2007/08/07ADDISABABA2635.html

Post, and other diplomatic missions and international NGOs repeatedly called for the immediate release of these prisoners and have publicly labeled them "political detainees." While some of the charges were eventually thrown out by the court, including "High Treason" and "Attempted Genocide," and some of the lower-profile detainees released, the leaders of the CUD were convicted on June 11, 2007 and sentenced to life in prison on July 16. These four applicants were among a larger group convicted of "Outrages Against the Constitution," "Obstruction of the Exercise of Constitutional Power," and "Impairing the Defensive Power of the State." Most defendants, including the CUD leadership, chose not to defend their case on the grounds that they felt that the court was under the influence of the GoE and was "illegitimate." Despite this, in Post's opinion, the evidence presented by the federal prosecution did not in any way prove that the defendants had any role in leading, organizing or taking part in the demonstrations of 2005, and that the verdicts concluded what was an entirely political trial for the CUD leadership.

Wikileaks - TPLF not EPRDF against release of CUD leaders
http://wikileaks.org/cable/2007/06/07ADDISABABA2005.html

The Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) Central Committee on June 23 reluctantly approved the PM's proposal to release the prisoners, but forced a two-week delay in the announcement. This gives hard-liners in the TPLF, as well as those in the CUD, who oppose any deal with the PM, more time to "deep six" the agreement. Post urges no public statements during this sensitive period.During a previously scheduled meeting of the central committee of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) on June 23, PM Meles presented his plans to release the CUD detainees on the basis of their statement acknowledging mistakes and agreeing to uphold the constitution. During the meeting, Meles faced sharp criticism from the hard-liners of his own TPLF Central Committee, many of whom vehemently oppose release of the CUD detainees. They pointed out that a release at this point would amount to circumventing the judicial process, given that the detainees had been convicted, but not yet sentenced (ref B). They further noted that negative attention coming from American media, as well as from the U.S. Congress, makes any action at this point appear that the GOE capitulated to public pressure. In the end, after a prolonged debate, PM Meles was able to secure agreement from the Central Committee, but the apparent difficulty he faced in doing so is evidence that the TPLF is not the one-man show that some believe it is. In order to secure agreement from the TPLF Central Committee to release the CUD detainees, PM Meles agreed that Ethiopia's High Court would first be permitted to complete the sentencing of those found guilty, scheduled to take place on July 9. Following that, the detainees who signed the document are expected to be released, and the GOE will issue a statement explaining the move. PM Meles asked Professor Ephraim to return to Ethiopia at that time, when the Elders are also expected to issue a statement on the release and the need for national reconciliation.

Wikileaks - Pastor Daniel Most Neutral Ethiopian Exposing Torture - I fear for Pastor Dan
http://wikileaks.org/cable/2007/04/07ADDISABABA1277.html

In a recent meeting, respected local NGO leader Pastor Daniel Gebraselassie (strictly protect) confirmed reports by Amnesty International of arrests and police beatings of a group of teachers. However, he told Poloff and officials from European Embassies that the numbers were much larger than originally thought, and that the prisoners, who are all also supporters of the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy party, had been tortured by police using methods commonly utilized by security forces under the Derg regime. Though most of the prisoners were eventually released thanks to efforts by Pastor Daniel Gebraselassie, he fears their arrest is part of a larger GoE program to identify and suppress (illegal) opposition groups in the Oromiya and Amhara regions since the start of operations in Somalia. Pastor Dan suggested that such orders are not coming from senior leaders, but rather that these practices exist among lower-level security officials. Post is still trying to assess how widespread torture has been and to what extent senior officials were aware of it. In any case, Post intends to elevate human rights issues as a point of concern in all official Embassy meetings.Pastor Dan sits on the President's pardon board, and through his work with his NGO Prison Fellowship, is often given access to visit prisons when no other outsiders are allowed. Though some opposition figures believe he is too close to the GoE, Post has found him to be one of the few Ethiopians who can be truly be considered politically neutral. (NOTE: He is also one of the "Elders" that are leading negotiations with the CUD detainees. END NOTE) Post deems him to be a reliable source and his decision to brief a group of Embassy officials on this highly sensitive subject is noteworthy. During the brief, Pastor Dan was visibly upset in describing his discoveries and while he notes the need to act on this information, he recognizes that this is particularly difficult. Post and other Embassies, if addressing the issue, cannot name Pastor Dan as a source for such information without compromising the level of access he maintains. The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission may be the only institution that can hold the government's feet to the fire for such activity. However, many do not believe the Commission is independent and that it would never implicate the GoE for torture.

Wikileaks - US Orthodox Church Amhara (and former Derg) and the Addis Ababa EOC of the ruling, Tigrayan-dominated

A recent decision by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC) in Addis Ababa to revoke the titles of former Patriarch Abuna Merkorios and four of his top bishops is the latest act in a widening feud between the church in Ethiopia and the "EOC in exile," based in the US. A long history of conflict was aggravated by the 2005 elections in Ethiopia and subsequent violence. The two EOC's are widely thought of as extensions of ethnic political structures ) the US EOC of the mostly Amhara (and former Derg) opposition and the Addis Ababa EOC of the ruling, Tigrayan-dominated EPRDF. The post election violence and perceived lack of action on the part of the Addis Ababa EOC was detrimental to the latter's following in the US -- worsened by a subsequent public offensive launched by the US EOC against Addis Ababa EOC and the EPRDF. The Addis Ababa EOC made attempts to win back support in the US, and the US EOC sought to counter and protect their gains, leading to the current boil-over of hostility between the two. Unless there is an immediate cool down and approach toward reconciliation, the damage suffered may become irreparable.Post learned that the Addis Ababa EOC plans to ask for Embassy/USG help "force the US EOC to give up using the name Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church" (the official name of the EOC), as well as to deport several top US EOC officials. Post will emphasize to the Patriarch and Synod in Addis Ababa that such actions are illegal and will only serve to cause further damage.The rift in the EOC -- along ethnic lines -- parallels the tense political aftermath of the 2005 elections. The Patriarch of the Addis Ababa EOC is deeply disliked for not protecting his flock during the violence and arrests after the elections. He has done little to reach out to his constituencies. Complicating the Patriarch's task is the vocal US diaspora, which is using the split to criticize PM Meles and his government.

Wikileaks - Meles tells US to "remove the Bashir regime." - One more enemy for Meles...
http://wikileaks.org/cable/2009/02/09ADDISABABA259.html

Meles offered that if he were the United States, he would look at two options. First, which he clearly conveyed as the preferred choice, would be to "remove the Bashir regime." Acknowledging that such an option was unlikely, Meles advocated for making a clear representation to the GoS that the United States is not/not "out to get them" and laying out clear benchmarks of actions expected of the GoS on both Darfur and South Sudan that would be necessary to "avoid continued challenges" with the U.S. Meles concluded the discussion by highlighting that "they don't trust the Obama Administration," and "they trust the Obama Administration less than the Bush Administration," and with a clear reference to U.S. Ambassador to the UN Susan Rice and former Senior NSC Director for Africa Gayle Smith "...especially some friends of mine."

Wikileaks - Simmering Religious In-Roads of Imported Wahhabism in Ethiopia
http://wikileaks.org/cable/2009/07/09ADDISABABA1674.html

Arab Wahabi missionaries, mainly from Saudi Arabia, continue to make inroads into the Ethiopian Muslim community, but are meeting increasing resistance in doing so. Islam has existed in Ethiopia since the time of the Prophet Muhammad and the mainly Sufi Muslim community has enjoyed traditions, customs, and cultural practices that have endured for centuries. Yet this indigenous Muslim culture has come under attack since 9/11 by Wahabi missionaries engaging in what amounts to &cultural imperialism8 against Ethiopian Islam. Prior to 9/11, there was little Wahabi proselytizing in Ethiopia. As a result, Ethiopia's delicate Muslim/Christian balance and historic attitudes between the faith communities regarding tolerance and mutual respect are being challenged, thereby undermining U.S. interests in the region. Sufi Muslim leaders want support from the U.S. to counter this pressure.The fact that foreign Wahabi missionaries do not seek to convert non-Muslims, but instead focus exclusively on the indigenous Muslim community, shows that they are in fact trying to change the Muslim culture of Ethiopia by questioning their values (e.g., tolerance of Christians and other non-Muslims, as well as other Muslim groups), their customs (e.g., pilgrimages to saints, shrines), their traditions (e.g., Moulids), their style of dress (e.g., black Wahabi veils that cover the face instead of the open, brightly-colored veils typically worn by Muslim women in Ethiopia), and even the writings of Ethiopian Muslim thinkers whose views do not conform with Wahabi interpretations.