Viewpoint

Ethiopia: How a tyrant quashed a nation’s hope



Ethiopia is drifting towards an uncertain future. So tense and fluid is the contemporary political climate in the country it needs a careful understanding and reflection. All of a sudden, Ethiopia is moving into an unpredictable situation, more or less in the same fashion and pattern, as its transformation were characterized during the last regime changes. An orderly transition in terms of both a political system transition and regime replacement seem unattainable. Once again, when Ethiopia was expected to have moved toward multiparty democracy culminating in the euphoria generated in the recent legislative election held for parliament seats, considered and hailed as the most genuine even by international observers, the conclusion of the election and its aftermath, however, proved the contrary. Instead of normalcy and optimism, Ethiopia is now at a breaking point as a stable nation considering the latest disturbing developments. The growing unrest and havoc that surfaced following the recent election result, which resulted in many deaths, injuries and imprisonment, quickly underscored deeper problems, undermining the hopes of democratic transformation.

The uncertainty looming over Ethiopia’s future, however, was not created over the recent past alone or as the direct result of the events associated with the election only. The election was largely a prelude and served as a catalyst to the underlying cause of the current prevailing situation. The public dissatisfaction, which was suppressed and hidden for years, finally found an outlet in the form of election as an opportunity. What happened particularly in Addis Ababa and other major cities throughout the country but also elsewhere to a lesser extent in the context of the massive voter turnout and strong opposition parties’ performance accurately reflects which way the country’s political dynamics is going. The sweeping manner in which Oppositions gained victory is a virtual referendum on the ruling party, TPLF/EPRDF. It means people overwhelmingly rejected its unpopular ethnic policy that weakened and divided the country and its social and economic programmes that are heavily influenced by the party’s Marxist orientation despite prophecies to the contrary.

The election results, although not official and subject of highly charged contest, came out as a shock to so many Ethiopians as well as outsiders. Surprisingly, the opposition was able to achieve such a result against a number of odds – withstanding all the systematic pressures, intimidation and sabotages of Meles’ TPLF/EPRDF. The conventional consensus seems to rest with the belief that neither the ruling party nor the opposition forecasted the outcome so much so that ironically the ruling party wasn’t ready to embrace defeat and the opposition victory. The opposition, however, seem to rapidly come to terms with its new strengthened position and place within the society. Stemming from such political realities, both the ruling party and the opposition are currently making efforts to make their cases.

We have seen that Meles and TPLF/EPRDF, which he single-handedly drives, were no doubt taken by surprise more so than any one by the election result. A very formidable challenge to his dictatorial rule became so apparent that he was determined to deal with it. Initially he allowed the election to proceed in a fair and free manner albeit certain limitations. Mounting pressures, however, from the opposition at home and donors from outside forced him to give significant grounds necessary for a successful democratic election – hitherto not tolerable during his rule. Access to mass media by the opposition and inviting foreign observers to monitor the election were the two crucial factors that helped tilt the balance and altered the political landscape including the direction of the election with monumental impacts. Hence, Meles made a serious miscalculation and underestimated the nature of his rule and his unpopularity. Despite being branded as visionary and progressive leader by some in the outside world, the fact is he remains at home as the least popular leader in Ethiopia’s long and immediate past history. Even the deposed Mengistu Hailemariam relatively used to enjoy a certain degree of support primarily for his nationalistic feelings and ambitions no matter how equally dictatorial his regime was and people didn’t accept it.

Meles’s systematic oppressing rule, therefore, is in the midist of deeper crisis. In fact, so desperate was the situation he found himself in when, what started as peaceful university demonstration grew in to a sort of general strike by taxi drivers joined also by workers in the capital, Addis Ababa, he personally masterminded and ordered the indiscriminate murder of 29 unarmed civilians and causing injury on hundreds – in a fashion reminiscent of Fascist massacre in Ethiopia in the 1930’s. His prime motive appears to be clear in that he deliberately chose indiscriminate killing to terrorize people and thwart their commitment and determination from removing him of power. That is why immediately after the election, against accepted international human rights norms and principles, he declared emergency ban on any kind of demonstrations for a month and put under his direct control the federal police and a special army. To this date, his loyalist forces freely roam the streets of Addis Ababa with military tanks and armored vehicles. To license his actions at home and hoodwink the international community at large, he invoked state safety and order as his justification for ordering the murder of peaceful demonstrators. After the killings, Meles came out public unashamed and justified his action as, “a prudent forceful measure to stabilize the situation.” His reaction, therefore, constitutes an acknowledgement of the entire event, which in turn creates clear legal ground to try him in courts of law – national or international.

Unless made to rescind his emergency powers and remove his special army and the federal police from Addis Ababa and other regions, more blood might be shed before the world’s eye. The free world particularly those with the diplomatic clout and influence have a moral obligation to protect defenseless civilians. The international community should intervene sooner than later before the crisis develops into a genocide like Darfur in the very diplomatic capital of Africa, a city host to different international organizations. International human rights, development and press organizations also have to assume the responsibility to galvanize support and spread awareness on the plight of Ethiopians. It is also incumbent upon domestic and international forces alike to press for accountability for the mass killings, infliction of injury, arbitrary arrests and beatings that occurred and for other similar crimes the Meles regime is perpetrating around the clock in Ethiopia today. Fact finding missions should have to be urgently dispatched into crime areas to document these atrocities and publicize them.

It is high time that donors realize the need to reassess their relation with the Meles regime – most notably the U.S and the E.U. Shorter term diplomatic and political calculations must not overshadow permanent and larger common interests. In fact, a good opportunity presents to undo past mistakes. Enough is enough with idolizing Meles and blessing his undemocratic actions. An unambiguous and clear message has to be conveyed not to risk future credibility by the Ethiopian people. The Ethiopian people have chosen to exercise their God-given freedoms in a democratic manner largely with the encouragement of the free world. The free world must make sure that democracy triumphs over dictatorship. Meles should not be allowed to squash the emergence of genuine democracy that the Ethiopian people affirmed as their salvaging force from poverty and ill governance. Blaming the opposition squarely with a horrendous regime is simply immoral and unjust. The U.S in particular and others too must not lose sight of the fact that the Ethiopian people, if given the right support and chance, would be much more effective partners in fighting terrorism. Their history amply proves and makes that point clear.

There is no doubt that it was easy for Meles to conceal his true motive and cheat the international community than Ethiopians. All along his prime goal had always been and still is to maintaining at power. If Meles seriously cared for his image, legacy and the country in general, the current opportunity was the best one to rectify his mistakes and reconsider his position. After fourteen years in power and as the peculiar circumstances of the day dictate, he could have entertained, for example, resigning or even establishing a meaningful coalition government. Instead of doing so, however, he has chosen to follow a destructive path that will further sink the country into instability. The possibilities for civil strife and anarchy are also very real unless the age-old wisdom and culture of the people of Ethiopia prevails once again with the miraculous help of their Almighty God. The time is now conducive to donors to take specific actions to force Meles to respect the will of the people. Such measures might include temporarily holding the recently announced debt-relief money and even other bilateral and multilateral assistance until the government stops its harassment and imprisonment of the opposition leaders and their followers including the public. Meles should also be forced to resign from the Commission for Africa as allowing him to continue to serve damages the reputation of the work of the Commission and the efforts of its other respected members.

The Ethiopian people’s struggle to consolidate the gains of their democratic aspirations, which successfully transpired during the May 15th election, has come under serious attack by a tyrant’s sole ambition to stay in power. Meles’ actions will continue unabated unless a concerted domestic and external pressure changes the course. His dictatorial ambitions as proved by the events of the second week of June/2005 know no limitations and boundaries. Beyond risking Ethiopia’s future and dashing the democratic hopes of the people of Ethiopia, the implications potentially cast doubt on the credibility and the commitment of the free world.


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