But still, their many merits notwithstanding, latent Presidential
potential was obvious in only a handful of them. Had he been born in
the US instead of Germany, Henry Kissinger could conceivably have
risen to the Presidency. Colin Powel had both the personal standing
and political momentum in 2000 but fatefully pulled back from his
rendezvous with history.
Hillary Clinton is also incontrovertibly Presidential material. And
unlike Powell she had sought her moment in history with passion.
Unfortunately, though, perhaps more because of the disastrous legacy
of her husband’s second term in office, it was not meant to be.
Nevertheless, her presidential-level charisma, so to speak, endures
undiminished as ever. It was discernible as she greeted Haile-Mariam
Desalegn, Ethiopia’s nominal Foreign Minister, with picture-perfect
blend of personal courtesy and the stately poise of an emissary of a
superpower when she arrived in Addis. It was no less evident as she
calmly walked past a roomful of senior diplomats from 53 African
countries to take a seat next Jean Ping, Chairperson of the African
Union. And it was manifest when she confidently assumed center stage
as America’s first Secretary of State to address the AU, which turned
out to be one of her best speeches ever.
Inspirational speeches are supposed to be the preserves of activists
and politicians. Foreign policy professionals have always
instinctively stirred clear from them. Granted the rare one or two
good speeches once in a while, bland but reassuringly safe messages
are the preferred trademark of State Department speech writers. These
words could not have been theirs entirely. What appear to be Clinton’s
lengthy insertions are almost patently decipherable.
“I am pleased to come to the African Union today as the first United
States Secretary of State to address you,” she said. But the timing
could have been better. This was in fact the speech that needed to
be—but was not—delivered at the last summit of AU Heads of States,
held in the immediate aftermath of popular uprisings in the Middle
East.
“Today, I would like to briefly discuss three areas,” she began almost
immediately. “They are democracy, economic growth, and peace and
security.” But had it not been for the death of Bin Laden, security
would have come first not last. After a decade in the wilderness,
American foreign policy is finally limping back into the traditional
mainstream where the link between US interests and the promotion of
democratic values is duly acknowledged. There is no more rational for
the singular dominance of the war on terror.
Thus: “First, democracy,” proclaimed a proud Hillary to Africa.
And she went on to articulate what is probably the world’s most
understated fact of the last two decades: “More than half the
countries in Sub-Saharan Africa have embraced democratic,
constitutional, multi-party rule,” she said. The widely touted cases
were then cited: Botswana, Ghana, and Tanzania. But for those
cognizant of Africa’s many trails and tribulations, it was the
inclusion of Niger, Guinea, Nigeria and Kenya in the list that brought
tears of joy. The tide has finally turned against despots in Africa,
as it had already done so in Latin America, Asia and Eastern Europe.
Only the horn of Africa remains a regional holdout in the continent.
Hillary had a message for the diehards, in her own words, “the leaders
in Africa and elsewhere who hold on to power at all costs, who
suppress dissent, who enrich themselves and their supporters at the
expense of their own people.” What thoughts were racing in the mind of
her host, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, who has been in
power for twenty years absent a single free election, as she uttered
those words is best left for imagination. But to the discrete delight
of conspiracy theorists, the lights had gone out on her just as she
began to speak of democracy.
Freedom is a universal value, she asserted. There is no room for
imaginary national exceptionalism for her. “If you believe that the
freedoms and opportunities that we speak about as universal should not
be shared by your own people, men and women equally, or if you do not
desire to help your own people work and live with dignity,” she said
with visible passion, “you are on the wrong side of history, and time
will prove that.”
These are actually words of wisdom from recent experience in Egypt.
She knows what it means to be on the wrong side of history. Not even
the might of a superpower was enough to avert an idea whose time had
come. And democracy is the idea whose time has come all over Africa.
It’s time for liberty, fraternity and equality. It’s time to stop the
killings. It’s time to free political prisoners. It’s time to really
ban torture. It’s time for free elections, freedom of expression and
association. It’s time for political pluralism, tolerance of religious
and cultural diversity. It’s time to end hate. It’s time to break free
from the cycle of violence. It’s time to end rampant, semi-official
corruption. It’s time for transparency. It’s time to be part of the
international mainstream. It’s time to believe even in the impossible.
In other words, it’s time to hope in Africa. Freedom is no more a
possibility but an imperative. The time has indeed come.
We shall be free!
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