Whether one accepts it or not, the reality on the ground
is this. Ethnic-based political formation and leadership is designed to
undermine individual democratic rights, the sovereignty of the Ethiopian people
as a whole, and the unity of the country. There is substantial evidence that
shows that the system of divide and rule operates effectively thorough the
merger of state, party and ethnicity. The most visible and direct material
manifestation of this merger is the capture and rental form of extraction of
national resources through foreign aid, banking and finance, urban and rural
lands, trade and the rest. One needs to ask who benefits the most from the
concentration of policy and decision making power in the country today. In
light of this reality, the fundamental rights and accesses to opportunities for
most Ethiopians are not recognized let alone realized. If a governing system
does not recognize the country as indivisible and one; and the population as
worthy of fair treatment and of equitable access to opportunities, the symbolic
power of the flag as a unifier and equalizer is further diminished in all walks
of life.
As critical, ethnic orientation and organization of
political elites in the opposition camp within and outside the country
reinforce this divide and rule strategy in political and economic management to
the determinant of the population these elites pretend to represent. The loud
cry from the young Ethiopian female who demanded service from her government is
unlikely to receive positive response from officials. The defense of human
rights expressed as individual rights is not within their value system. If the
government violates human, economic and social rights within the country, it is
a certainty that it will not defend the rights of Ethiopians anywhere in the
world. It is only after their resources. This is why Ethiopia’s future and the
future of its diverse population will depend on politics beyond ethnicity. There
are things we can do to mitigate the ongoing damage emanating from ethnic
politics.
We can advance social formation in the right direction
beyond ethnicity if we set aside our differences and focus on two critical
drivers of the democratic cause: the future of Ethiopia and the welfare and
democratic rights of the Ethiopian people as a whole. The young woman
questioned the legitimacy of a regime that cares less for its people; but has
the audacity to send delegations around the globe to mobilize foreign exchange
from the Diaspora. At the root of the question posed by this brave female is
the contradiction between a ruling party leadership at the top that does not
defend or protect the human rights of Ethiopians abroad; but dares to persuade
them to buy government bonds and to invest in a country where there is no level
playing. The opposite is true. The governing party that has been in power for
almost 21 years runs one of the un-freest economies and most ethnic-oriented political
systems in the world. If it denies fundamental freedoms and rights at home; it
is unlikely to stand on the side of Ethiopians regardless of their ethnic,
religious and or gender affiliation. An ethnicized system is always a discriminatory
and exclusionary system. People need to
wake up to the reality that socioeconomic and political systems that are
based on ethnic governance produce societies full of cronyism, corruption, illicit outflow, income and social inequity and
uneven development.These facts are
well researched and documented by world renowned economists such as Paul
Collier and Bill Easterly (Paul Collier and Nicholas Sambanis in Understanding
Civil War and Bill Easterly in the White Man’s Burden, among others). For a
thorough analysis of merger of state, party and ethnicity and its corrupting
role, read 2010 book, Waves, that
devotes several chapters on the subject.
For the young woman and the rest of us who believe in
Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people, the Ethiopian flag represents our individual
and collective identity. Diplomatic missions show this flag because it
represents the country and its people. However, it is clear that Ethiopia’s
diplomatic missions are now totally subjected to serving a minority ethnic
party rather than the entire population and the country’s vital interests. These
missions are as politicized as education and urban and rural lands. They have
become the exclusive property of the ruling party and propagate and do what it
says. One of the vital interests of any country and diplomatic mission that
represents it is to stand for and defend the fundamental human rights of
Ethiopian citizens wherever they are; and whenever they are abused and
degraded. The government of the Philippines does that in the Middle East; as do
others. A government that is unrepresentative at home cannot be representative
abroad. Diplomatic representation is a mirror of domestic politics and power. Shouldn’t
this incident in the Middle East brought to us by an insightful young woman, and
similar incidents within the country and abroad that are cited numerous times
in this series compel us to cooperate
and collaborate? My answer is an unequivocal
yes.
Our diversity is
our strength; so is our unity
The governing party uses our diversity to divide us. Many
foreign observers are often amazed by the vastness and diversity of talent of
the Ethiopian immigrant population everywhere on this planet. This globalized talent
pool has a wealth of expertise to staff and lead countries. It has played a pivotal
role in ensuring that Ethiopia and the identity of the being Ethiopian in not a
mirage. In her and or his own way, each person contributes that it lives on.
This is significant and cannot be understated. At the same time, it has not
translated itself into a cohesive
community of people and into a formidable social force. This globalized
Ethiopian identity and the talent embedded is certainly large and rich enough
to meet Ethiopia’s demands. It possesses the potential to transform the country
into an inclusive, humane, fair, democratic and prosperous society. Equally,
observers are baffled by the dysfunction manifested within this community of
talent. Despite its enormous potential to leverage itself by—raising monies, synergizing its expertise
and knowledge to influence public policy and global public opinion,providing communication tools to those who
struggle for a better society at home,building
its own and the capacities of others, mentoring, coaching and guiding a new
generation of social activists at home and abroad and promoting and nurturing
social and community cohesion–a great deal of time, energy and money is
spent gauging, assessing, monitoring and second guessing one another’s motives
and hidden agendas. The minority ethnic governing party uses this dysfunction
to prolong its life and to extract more wealth for its core and for its allies.
It is hard for many foreign observers and to some of us to think that divisions
extend institutions of worship.Our
divisions minimize our cohesion and effectiveness by the widest margin
possible.
There are substantial behavioral tendencies that prevent
us from using our substantial size and hidden potential to contribute much more
than we have in the past. We need the determination, will and discipline to
respond to the cry and demand of the young woman and to millions of others like
her within the country. Clearly, the minority ethnic-party led government in
power lacks legitimacy, commitment to all of the Ethiopian people, and the will
to accept the sovereignty of the Ethiopian people. By design, it cannot give
priority to Ethiopia and to the welfare of the Ethiopian people as a whole. It
is therefore hard for anyone who is fair minded to accept the notion that it
will reform itself. It has not for almost 21 years and shows the opposite
tendencies. The rest of us need to appreciate this reality and focus on at
least two critical common causes: the long term DURABILITY and unity with
diversity of the country; and the welfare and democratic right of each
individual within Ethiopia’s varied population. Here is the problem in a
nutshell. We continue to think as members of ethnic groups rather than as
Ethiopians. This is the trap imposed on us by the minority ethnic elite in
power. It pretends to stand for the
liberation of all ethnic groups while vesting policy and decision making
authority in a small band of Tigrean elites and allied beneficiaries. How
do we help it? We operate in silos. This silo mentality strengthens the
governing party. As a result, we continue
to diminish our ability to influence events both abroad and within the country.
This is why the global community does not take us seriously. However and, if
there is will, we can resolve this impasse. We cannot allow making unity among
Ethiopians illusive because of our behaviors, attitudes, cynicism and actions. What
do I propose?
11. Let us approach a diverse group of Ethiopians, with the highest level of integrity; trusted by the global Ethiopian community; and with capabilities to diagnose the problems we face
It does not matter who takes the initiative on the above.
People who care about the country and its diverse population must conduct soul
searching and carryout candid conversation that will lead to a road map. It is
important though to recognize that ethnic political formation and organization
and our division are now the principal causes for the longevity of the
TPLF/EPRDF regime. At minimum, we have a collective moral responsibility to
fill a social gap in civil society that is broken. None of us can deny–whether
we identify with a civic or political organization or something else–that the
following ingredients for cooperation and collaboration are missing: trust, honesty, integrity, neutrality, a
sense of common purpose as well as confidence in one another. These missing
values are so critical to transformation that they need thorough analysis by a trusted
and competent group that stands for the country and its diverse population as a
whole.
The process in the formation of this diverse group to
diagnose the problem and produce a viable and doable framework (road map) going
forward must itself show democratic content. It cannot just be top down. I
should like to offer a preliminary thought in this direction. Given the
diversity and global nature of the Ethiopian talent pool—as foreign based stakeholders—and
in light of the need to focus on critical issues common to all; and the
criticality of focusing on the country and its diverse population, I suggest a process
that is solidly community and grassroots based. Folks need to do this as a
project with outcomes and measurements. The variety of civic groups across the
globe implies that it would be best and viable to involve these groups to work
toward cooperation and solidarity at a country level: for example, the USA,
Canada, the UK, Germany and so on. In turn, these grassroots groups may want to
consider establishing themselves at continental or regional levels, for
example, North America, Europe, and Africa and so on. Representatives of these
continental and or regional groups would then nominate a globalEthiopian steering or
leadership group. Such formation would have a better chance of success than
a top down process.
It seems to me that the diagnosis phase should focus on behaviors, values and attitudes that
deter social networking and cooperation on a few critical issues that the
country and the population face and need today. Why are the behavioral problems
so prevalent? Why is such a potentially potent group of talent that stretches
across the globe incapable of creating and sustaining a social force that will
stand up for Ethiopia and for the Ethiopian people? It these types of questions
that the suggested global Ethiopian task team above should address first; and
communicate to the larger community of Ethiopians. In my estimation, 90 percent
of the problem resides in not recognizing, and in fact, in perpetuating self-made behavioral problems that deter
cooperation and collaboration on what is important to Ethiopia and to the
Ethiopian people. We can do these without being personal. We can focus on
issues.
12. Let us provide
sustainable and effective support to national leaning political parties and
civil societies in Ethiopia.
Ethiopia’s current problem
centers on minority ethnic political and economic capture. Sad but true; It
is the Ethiopian people who bear the burden of this oppressive governance. For
this reason, I am convinced that the battle for Ethiopia’s future is being
waged and will be waged within the country. Equally, I am persuaded that
ethnic-based political parties will not address the fundamental problems of the
country. On the contrary, I have taken the position throughout my adult life
(principally through the World-Wide Ethiopian Student Movement) that ethnic
politics will lead to unintended and catastrophic consequences. This is now
self-evident. Evidence shows that ethnic elites at the top help themselves by
extracting enormous resources for themselves, families and friends. At the same
time, they give the impression that they stand for the poor and marginalized. Where
are regional and local ethnic elites when the lands and waters on which
families and communities rely for survival are given away to domestic allies and
foreign investors? These are echoes by people in Beni-Shangul Gumuz, Oromia,
Gambella and elsewhere where land grab is prominent.
In light of this, the hearts and minds of the vast
majority of the population are not with the ruling party and its ethnic based
affiliates. Less than 21 percent of the
voting age population shows trust and confidence in their government and its
institutions. Why is this? It is because the vast majority of the population
knows that TPLF/EPRDF restricts, and in fact, bars public participation in
policy and decision making in all areas of life. Civil society is not in a
position to express its voice, to monitor and supervise resource management,
and to make government officials accountable. The poor are getting poorer. Citizens
are almost resigned to a dysfunctional government that governs through fear
rather than commitment, competence and public service. They cannot expect basic services let alone a
chance to prosper. The famous World Bank Safety Net program that was supposed
to aid the poor reaches only those that support the governing party. One sixth
of Ethiopians depend on a program that does not free them from dependency. At
least five million Ethiopians depend on remittances. Wherever one looks, economic and social management
is marred by abuse, corruption and incompetence. Administrative services are
offered as a matter of privilege and not right. Everyone in official capacity
wants a cut and so on. Corruption and illicit outflow are rampant.
In a recent commentary in Addis Fortune (December 19,
2011) former Member of Parliament, Ato Temesgen Zewdie, put administrative
dysfunction and ineptitude succinctly. “Too many laws suffocate the public and
businesses. If good governance is not providing good services to the public,
can it really be called good governance?” One is struck by slippages in every
indicator. “No doubt that the future is even bleaker, given the current
bureaucratic bottleneck that has pushed the cost of doing business in the
country to unimaginable levels for businessmen” and for the rest of the
society. It is not just the cost of doing business that has gone haywire; it is
also the cost of living. Food self-sufficiency is a prime example. The
governing party literally gave up Agriculture Development-led Industrialization
in favor of Foreign Direct Investment in commercial agriculture because this
strategy did not deliver. Its substitute is FDI in large-scale commercial
farming that uproots hundreds thousands from their lands and undermines
domestic comparative advantage that resides with improvements in Ethiopian
smallholder farming and the domestic private
sector. These and other anomalies are discussed thoroughly in my new book, Yemeretneteka ena kirimit (the Great Land Giveaway.
How does the governing party react to this conclusion?
The same way it reacts to everything else. It compares to and distinguishes
itself from the warlike economy under the socialist dictatorship and to the feudal-capitalist
Imperial era but never to its current peers such as Botswana, Ghana, Mauritius
or Vietnam. Unfortunately, its diplomatic backers and the donor community
reinforce the perception that things are better than before. Donors equate
growth with improvement in the welfare of the population. They ignore the
distributional and equity aspects of this growth and the concentration of
incomes and assets in a few hands. They do not say much about the pandemic of
corruption that results in massive illicit outflow of funds from the one of the
poorest countries in the world, with a per capita income of US$360.
For the above and other reasons that the world ignores to
the detriment of the vast majority of the Ethiopian people, an informed and
empowered and country based civil society is the single most critical source of
challenge to repressive and corrupt governance. It is virtually impossible to
create a country based civic culture as long as the political system is ethnic
based and or oriented. Ethnic based political parties and cultures entail substantial
risks for the vast majority of the population. Among other things, such
organization and leadership deters, and often, undermines the formation of
national leaning organization of any type—whether within or outside the
country. The invisible hands that inflict a toll on the global community of
Ethiopians and people of Ethiopian origin are manifestations of this invisible
danger. This is why I have consistently defended the notion that rejection of
ethnic-based political formation and defended the embrace of national political
formation that draws heavily from the country’s diverse population as the only
sensible and promising route to go. Otherwise, the TPLF/EPRDF will continue, in
its own words, “to win” every election.
Opposition political parties and civil societies within
and outside the country that combine forces and advance public engagement and
participation as Ethiopians and people of Ethiopian origin are more likely to undermine
the ethnic elite system in the long-run than those that fight one another
perpetually or that continue as extensions of ethnic-based political parties. The
literature is replete with the pitfalls of ethnic political formation,
organization and leadership. When and if political and civic movements reject
ethnic based formation and embrace national based formation, they will win. Eventually,
they will shift power from elites to the sovereignty of ordinary men and women.
Now is the time to do it.
Those of us in the Diaspora must put our monies,
knowledge, technical know-how and diplomatic leverage where these will add
value in the home front and in the formation of national political groups and advance
civil society organizations. While I am not prepared to provide detailed plans
in this venue, the opportunities are out there and opposition groups,
individual activists and the rest of us must mobilize resources and transfer
them to the home front to those that are
ready and willing to break ethnicpolitics
and embrace a national political culture in coordinated and sustainable ways.
We can do this to the extent that we set aside the elite invented political and
social culture of ethnic divide, hate, acrimony, bitterness and division aside;
and focus on the bigger picture of emboldening and empowering the Ethiopian
people to be masters of their own destiny. It is then that the global community
would begin to respect opponents as credible. We owe it to the Ethiopian people
that we defend their rights in every way possible and work cooperatively and
collaboratively.
13. Let us
persuade all opposition and civic groups outside the country to convene a
global all inclusive conference, and come up with a road map in support of the
home front
If there is one thing the majority in the Diaspora and
the people of Ethiopia detest and reject, it is political brinkmanship, silos, power
mongering, egos and self-aggrandizement/centeredness and hypocrisy.
Fragmentation, narrow group think, personality cults, arrogance, hidden
agendas, one group trying to undermine the other and so on will not advance the
common cause and or respond to the urgent causes of the Ethiopian people and
especially Ethiopia’s youth. This social group is in desperate need of model
leadership and guidance from the vast human capital that resides outside the
country. It is ordinary Ethiopians at home who die for human, social and
economic rights and freedoms. The rest of us can at least stand on their side. For
this reason, I suggest that fragmentation must give way to cooperation,
collaboration and solidarity in 2012.
In light of the adverse effects of fragmentation that
emanates from ethnic, religious and rigid ideological outlooks and hidden
agendas, it is reasonable to call on activist youth and civic groups to push
for two sets of global conferences: one, consisting of only civic groups and
well known community, spiritual and intellectual leaders that will discuss and
agree on a shared definition of the problem Ethiopia faces; and to recommend a
set of solutions going forward. Second, this civic group should then empower
itself to call on all political parties–ideally, those within and outside the
country and if not, those outside the country–to convene a global and all
inclusive meeting on peace, national reconciliation and a democratic framework
or future for the country. This conference should, in my view, invite
international observers and extend the same to representatives of the governing
party. Youth and women must feature prominent in both conferences. A civil
democratic movement cannot be material with half the population (females) left
out from the discourse. Those who presented their case vocally on the plight of
domestic workers in the Middle East while revealing the lead causes that drove
them there in the first place attest to the importance of inclusion of females
and youth. This proposal may be taken up by the group identified earlier in
section 11 above.
14. Let us resolve
to institutionalize a strong global outreachprogram
As highlighted, the Diaspora possesses enormous
intellectual, technical, professional and financial capital that it can deploy
across the globe and make all of the above recommendations material and
meaningful. At minimum, those of us abroad can leverage our collective
resources to take the diplomatic offensive. I have little doubt that: if there
is will and determination to serve the country and its diverse population; and
if there is the discipline to build capacity at all levels and transfer this
into the country, change is inevitable. The external would serve as a pivotal
force in influencing the internal. No matter the number of isolated and
scattered organizations and activities and no matter how hard individuals work,
support to the change process in the country will not translate into results
unless there is cooperation on a few common themes. One of these is to
establish and implement a strong global
outreach program to influence donors,
NGOs, institutions of worship, foundations, and key governments that
provide financial, material, intelligence and financial support to the
Ethiopian government. This cannot be done with the current fragmentation of
resources, talent and efforts. Civic groups are especially well suited to
advance the cause of diplomatic leverage and to come up with a specific set of
doable recommendations for success.
The strategic objective is not only to expose the
governing party’s misdeeds. It is also about framing of alternatives going
forward. Those within the opposition camp can persuade and shift international
public opinion from the governing party to the Ethiopian people and to
champions of freedom and democracy through sustained and well- coordinated lobbying.
The outreach effort requires a trustworthy, dedicated and credible champion of
human rights and individual freedom. I am aware of a couple of such champions
with global credibility; and will disclose their names at the appropriate time
and to appropriate persons or groups.
15. Let us set up
mechanisms to mediate conflicts among civic groups in the Diaspora
“A journey of a
thousand miles begins with a single step.” There is no doubt that Ethiopian
activists in the Diaspora spend their times, monies and expertise advancing the
causes of the country and its people. They do them in numerous ways. These
efforts are admirable but are incomplete.
Activists who agree on common themes and issues such as
violation of human rights and the rights of women have no reason not to
mobilize their resources and to stand together. Yet, there is ample evidence
that shows that they do not. We all need to facilitate that they come together
and work together.
In this connection, I suggest that we identify experts on
conflict management and resolution to assist willing parties to come together
for the sake of the common good. I know of a number of capable, independent and
neutral professionals who can facilitate mediation for these and other groups
in any part of the world. Those of us on the outside looking in can assist the
process by encouraging activists to meet face to face; and to resolve their
differences; to work together; and to speak with one voice. It is only then
that they can make meaningful contribution to Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people
as a whole. It behooves each of us to respond to the cries of domestic workers
in the Middle East for whom their government gives only leap service; for the
thousands who are in the country’s dungeons; and for those brave women and
women who demand that we unite if we wish the democratization process.
