Tracing Woyane’s Anti-Ethiopianism to the Italo-Ethiopian War

By anti-Ethiopianism we purport the systematic and
government-sanctioned weakening of the national fabric by pitting one ethnic
group against another, as was witnessed recently in such areas as Benishangul-Gumuz and Gura Ferda zones. Anti-Ethiopianism is
the appalling government policy of dislocating natives from their ancestral
lands and transferring national wealth to foreigners at dirt cheap prices. It
is anti-Ethiopianism to frame a constitution whose
central object is to promote the disintegration and land-lockedness
of the country.  Most importantly, anti-Ethiopianism implies the deviant system of government under
which all major economic, political and military institutions are controlled by
the minority Woyane group, and through which
fundamental human rights are suppressed and the people are denied their basic
rights to participate in free and fair elections.

Confucius sagaciously
advised: “Study the past if you would
define the future.” Accordingly, when we consider the current predicaments
of the country, which are characterized by ethnocentrism, totalitarianism,
corruption, nepotism and absence of a feeling of Ethiopian patriotism amongst the
rulers; and, most importantly, when we search for a viable solution to them, we
should go no further for clues and explanations than the recent past events,
beginning with the invasion of Italy in 1935-1940.

Much has
been documented about the infamous Fascist aggression by notable Ethiopian and
Western historians, journalists and novelists, as well as other writers who
had taken active parts in the actual war. While well-researched history books
and journal articles may serve as the ultimate sources for academic exercise,
there is considerable information that may be gleaned from anecdotal accounts
narrated by individuals based on their personal experiences. In this regard, we
are fortunate to have at our disposal now the writings of three foreigners who had
the opportunity to witness firsthand the savagery of the Fascist aggression,
the heroism of the Ethiopian fighters, and the betrayal by local collaborators.

The three
foreigners, whose paths had crossed several times in the battles of Tembien, Maichew and other fronts,
had fought on the side of Ethiopia under the leaderships of such eminent
Ethiopians as Ras Kassa Hailu Darge, Ras
Seyoum Mengesha and Ras Mulugeta Yiggezu,
the War Minister. In so doing, they were able to record considerable historical
data and to leave behind intriguing accounts of bravery and treachery that
could inform present and future researchers seeking answers to some of the most
complex questions about present-day Ethiopia. Most importantly, they provide
critical insights into the underlying reasons for the anti-Ethiopian agenda Zenawi and his Woyane entourage
successfully exploited to catapult themselves to power; the continued damage to
the long-term viability of the country that is caused by the misguided fiscal,
economic, educational and military policies implemented by the TPLF-led regime;
and the institutionalization of ethnic-based governance that is portentously promoted
to nurture inter-ethnic animosity among brothers and sisters who have lived in
relative harmony for many centuries.   

Recently,
the works of two of the foreigners were made accessible to Amharic readers. The
first, ቀይ
አንበሳ
(Alpha, 2003) was translated by Tesfaye M. Bayileyegn
from the original narration of Colonel Alejandro del Valle¹.
The second book, የሃበሻ ጀብዱ (AAU Press, 2010), is a translation by
Techane J. Mekonnen based
on Adolf Parlesack’s memoir in Czech entitled Habesska Odyssea (Praha : Panorama, 1989). The third, and most
controversial, memoir was written by Colonel Feodor Konovalov,
a Russian military adviser to Ras Seyoum
Mengesha and other leaders. While there is no
accessible Amharic translation of Konovalov’s
writings, relevant excerpts are available in various sources (see, e.g., Clarke
III, 2008 ²).

Excepting
a few and infrequent inconsistencies among the renditions of the three
foreigners about shared events that they had jointly witnessed, there is a
remarkable degree of consistency in their accounts of the breathtaking
gallantry of Ethiopian fighters, as well as the distressingly heartrending
treachery of domestic collaborators, especially from Tigray,
Rayya, and Azebo regions,
in the early days of the war.

Although Konovalov was generally silent on the contribution of the
traitors to the defeat of Ethiopia, he was in remarkable concord with the other
two in expressing awe and admiration at the inimitable valor and fearlessness of
the Ethiopian army in the face of an infinitely better armed enemy. Quoting a
Western diplomat, Konovalov was unhesitant to affirm:
“… the Ethiopian soldier, well-taught and well-led, had no equal anywhere in
the world.” The memoirs of all three abound with their eyewitness accounts of
how, defying all odds against them, waves of primitively armed Ethiopian
fighters, composed of men and women from every ethnic group, religious
persuasion and social ladder, stormed, time and again, well fortified Italian
positions, sending terror and confusion among the enemy. As one reads about the
surreal exploits of those brave fighters, the knowledge of belonging to a
people of such valiance and heroism fills one’s heart with a sense of immense
pride. In one instance, for example, del Valle tells
of a story in which the Ethiopians ferociously and unstoppably climbed up a hill
to engage the enemy that was assailing them from above with automatic weapons
and mustard gas. In summarizing his amazement at the extraordinary scene he was
witnessing, he wrote: “The efforts of the invaders to try to stop those
brave Ethiopians, who were charging uphill over the bodies of their fallen
compatriots, was like firing bullets from machine guns to futilely slow down the
gushing of water downhill.”

The
foreigners also documented heroic accomplishments of ordinary citizens, whose
names never made it to the history books, but who had demonstrated unimaginable
bravery on the battlefields. Among such stories eloquently told by Parlesack, none is probably as fascinating as that of a
young Oromo boy from the Sellale region by the name
of Abichou. Parlesack
describes with a Homeric touch the valiance of the boy as he terrorized the
Fascist aggressors, chased to their deaths many of the traitors, coordinated a
multi-ethnic army from Hamassen, Tigray,
Gojjam and Sellale, and scored
countless victories against the invading army.

Parlesack and del
Valle were also unreserved in their expression of disgust at the degree of
betrayal and treachery perpetrated by some members of the Tigray,
Rayya and Azebo regions
that made the campaigns of the great armies of Ras Seyoum, Ras Kassa
and Ras Mulugetta
immeasurably arduous. Parlesack even hinted that the
balance of power at the battle of Maichew was tipped
in favor of the invaders, thanks in great part to the sabotage of the traitors
from Rayya and Azebo, who
inflicted considerable damage on the advancing Ethiopian army coming from
behind at critical moments.

Among the
most notorious traitors of the era was Dejazmach
Haile Sellasie Gugsa, a
great grandson of Emperor Yohannis IV, who gave his allegiance
to Benito Mussolini in the early days of the war. This traitor facilitated the
invasion of Mekelle in November of 1935, and later
joined the invading army that marched on Addis Ababa in April of 1936.
Throughout the occupation, he provided invaluable service as a trusted adviser
to both Rodolfo Graziani and the Duke of Aosta. Remarkably, his first demonstration of treachery was
to raise the Italian flag in Mekelle, desecrating the
Ethiopian tri-colors. Over six decades later, another traitor, the late Meles Zenawi, would defile that
same flag.

Indeed, in
the face of the well-known anti-Ethiopian sentiment unabashedly exhibited by Zenawi, and now aggressively implemented by his successors,
it is not beyond the realm of rational proclivity to wonder whether the
turncoats of the Italo-Ethiopian war did not
influence the imprudent minds of the current traitors.

Much has
been disclosed about the dubious family tree of the late dictator and the
backgrounds of some of those in the Woyane
leadership. Regarding the notorious heritage of Zenawi,
Gebremedhin Araya, a one-time TPLF
fighter and an accomplished authority on the late dictator’s family history, has
given gripping testimonials, in a series of ESAT interviews, how the dictator’s
mind might have been poisoned while growing up in a family that had always
betrayed the land they lived in. There are also troubling accounts of the
backgrounds of most of the Woyane leaders, including
the notorious Bereket Simon, Sibhat
Negga and several others.

 At a time when there is a lot of confusion
among some sectors of the Ethiopian community about the true nature of the Woyane regime and its hidden agenda, it is absolutely
critical to see the treachery of the rulers through the prism of their treasonous
forefathers. This is especially indispensable in any effort to raise the
awareness of the people of Tigray in whose name these
traitors are causing immeasurable damage. Although there were several traitors who, like Haile Sellasie Gugsa, sided with the
enemy and fought against the Ethiopian army, there were also exemplary patriots
from the same region who valiantly fought and died in defense of their
motherland against Fascist invasion. Similarly, despite the common perception
that many Tigreans today are backers of the evil
dictatorship, it should be incontrovertibly affirmed that there is a large
proportion of Tigreans who abhor the destructive and anti-Ethiopian
path followed by the Woyane regime.

The late dictator and his party
have always projected themselves as saviors of the people from the tyrannical rule
of the Derg. Unfortunately, many genuine Ethiopians
have overlooked the fact that the Woyane regime is
not only a most vicious authoritarian system, as the Derg
was, but also an atrocious organization whose ultimate objective is the
destruction of Ethiopia as a nation. In actual fact, no rational government in
history has unilaterally advocated the dismemberment of the country it rules, made
attempts to justify its isolation through land-lockedness,
parceled out precious lands to foreigners at dirt cheap prices, or
systematically used ethnicity, famine, illiteracy and disease as instruments to
enslave the people it governs, to the extent the Woyane
rulers have done so. It is therefore vitally important to effectively establish
the anti-Ethiopian identity of the regime, and to reignite the patriotism of
those members of the society who have been hoodwinked by the pervasive
propaganda campaign that the regime has successfully, but spitefully, launched
to portray itself as a better alternative to the brutal Derg
dictatorship.

A major weakness of the
pro-democracy movement thus far has been its hopeless ineptitude to articulate
precisely why the Woyane philosophy is
anti-Ethiopian, and how dangerous that philosophy is to the long-term viability
of the country. The suppression of basic human rights, the codification of
ethnocentrism in the constitution, the irresponsible policy of land grabs, the
pitting of one ethnic group against another, and the unfettered corruption among
the leaders of the regime have not been effectively communicated to the people as
manifestations of this general scheme of anti-Ethiopianism
that the Woyane leadership has perfected over the
past several decades.

Indubitably, the only realistic
strategy that would guarantee the certain destruction of the Woyane regime is one that successfully establishes and
communicates to the people of Ethiopia this abhorrent nature of the regime.
Without a thorough understanding of the TPLF as a perfidious organization by
the people of Ethiopia in general, and those of Tigray
in particular, there cannot be a unified front that is a prerequisite for a
successful outcome of the struggle to save the country, liberate the oppressed,
and establish a democratic system where individual freedoms would flourish and
the long-term survival of Ethiopia would be guaranteed. As they have heroically
demonstrated to the world before, during and after the Italo-Ethiopian
war, there is nothing that unifies and arouses the fighting spirit of the people
of Ethiopia more than a sense of direct threat to their heritage and
independence either by foreign aggressors or domestic connivers. Pro-democracy
forces, Websites, and other groups and individuals, therefore, have the moral
imperative to reignite the ardor of the people to defend their country by
raising their awareness as to the true nature of the treasonous organization
that is Woyane.

¹In “Un hombre blanco en el infierno
negro por el Coronel Alejandro del Valle” as told to Arturo Alfonso Roselló (Havana: Impreso en los Talleres Tipograficos,
1937)).

² Clarke III, JV, “Feodor Konovalov and the Italo-Ethiopian
War (Part I), World War II Quarterly, 2008; 5:4-37