Ethiopia, one of Africa’s most populous and influential
nations, has for centuries been the home to numerous diverse
religious and ethnic populations. Last May, the East African
nation held elections, which promised to be a big step forward for
Ethiopia’s democracy. The election process started out more open
than previous elections, with the political opposition able to
campaign more freely than ever before. Unfortunately, the
window of opportunity presented for democracy closed in a wave
of government harassment of opposition parties and ethnic hate
speech on both sides.
Although there were other problems in the election process,
the biggest issue was the delayed release of vote results.
Preliminary results indicated that the opposition did much better
than in past elections, increasing the number of parliamentary seats
won from 12 to nearly 200. However, opposition party coalitions
charged that fraud had been committed in many of the races they
did not win. Because the government had failed to release results
in the weeks after the election, suspicions rose that a victory by the
opposition had been stolen.
The controversy surrounding the 2005 Ethiopian election is
the result of a number of factors that created a “perfect storm” of
political discontent that has created tragic conditions in Ethiopia.
The European Union election monitoring team reported
serious irregularities, but its impartiality was questioned after the
leak of a preliminary EU report which indicated that the opposition
parties would win a majority in Parliament based largely on results
in the capital city of Addis Ababa. Periodic statements released by
the EU election team were then undercut by statements from EU
diplomats, much as I experienced in my visit to Addis last August.
The Government of Ethiopia, by refusing to release all
relevant information regarding the election in a timely fashion,
created fear that the election had been stolen. International donors
worked behind the scenes with the government to create a
mechanism to resolve election disputes. However, that mechanism
pitted the ruling party and the government-appointed National
Election Board against the opposition parties. As a result, the
opposition lost 90% of the challenges it filed, and the government
missed its own July 8th deadline for release of election results,
furthering the frustration and suspicion.
As for the political opposition, its leaders contributed to this
crisis by failing to provide necessary evidence of election fraud in
all too many cases. It isn’t that this evidence may not have existed,
but the parties appeared to be unprepared to effectively document
what the problems were. Moreover, their refusal to take many of
the seats won in the election prevented many issues from
effectively being addressed in the Parliament, including the
appointment of judges and guarantees of freedom of the press.
The suspicions regarding the election were exacerbated by
the government’s mass arrest of students in Addis in June. Protests
were met with gunfire by government forces. It is estimated that
as many as 40 persons identified as political activists were killed
by government sharpshooters in the capital alone. Broadened
arrests put tens of thousands in jail without charge or adequate
contact with families or legal counsel. Further demonstrations in
November resulted in at least another 40 persons killed by
government forces – this time including those not connected with
the political opposition.
The recently-released State Department human rights report
on Ethiopia is scathing in its description of what is taking place in
Ethiopia, stating that “the government’s human rights record
remained poor and worsened in some areas.”
Among the human rights problems reported by the State
Department were:
limitation on citizens’ right to change their government;
unlawful killings, including alleged political killings, and
beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees and opposition
supporters by security forces;
poor prison conditions;
arbitrary arrest and detention of thousands of persons;
particularly those suspected of sympathizing with or being
members of the opposition;
detention of thousands without charge, and lengthy pretrial
detention;
government infringement on citizens’ privacy rights, and
frequent refusal to follow the law regarding search warrants;
government restrictions on freedom of the press; arrest,
detention, and harassment of journalists for publishing articles
critical of the government; self-censorship by journalists;
government restrictions on freedom of assembly including denial
of permits, burdensome preconditions or refusal to provide
assembly halls to opposition political groups, and at times use of
excessive force to disperse demonstrations, and
government limitations on freedom of association.
Approximately 16,000 people were released from jail earlier
this year, but there is uncertainty about how many more prisoners
remain behind bars without being charged or while awaiting a trial
whose date is not yet set.
During my visit to Addis last August, I met with Prime
Minister Meles Zenawi, and I asked him why he had not
investigated the June shootings of demonstrators by agents of his
government. His response was that the investigation might require
the arrest of opposition leaders, and he didn’t want to do that while
by-elections were still scheduled. He went on to tell me that he
had dossiers on all the opposition leaders and could arrest them for
treason whenever he wanted. Thus, their arrests were all but
certain even before the events that ostensibly led to their being
incarcerated. Reportedly, the investigation of the government
shootings of demonstrators is now belatedly underway.
The shootings by government forces and delayed
investigation are reminiscent of an earlier incident: the massacre of
Anuaks in southwestern Ethiopia beginning in December 2003 and
continuing until May 2004.
The farming Anuak minority predominate the Gambella
region of Ethiopia, but there have been periodic disputes with the
highlanders, who are of the Tigrayan and Amharan ethnic groups.
According to a Human Rights Watch report at the time,
government forces joined with highlanders to kill at least 400
Anuaks in December 2003 alone and participated in the rape and
torture of Anuaks. Genocide Watch and Survivors’ Rights
International confirmed the events described in the Human Rights
Watch report.
The Government of Ethiopia announced last year that trials
of government forces responsible for 13 of the Anuak killings had
finally begun. However, there is no word yet on the result of these
trials. While the government is engaged in such efforts, one hopes
it also will investigate reports of the killing last year of 24
members and supporters of the Oromo National Congress and
other allegedly politically-motivated killings by government forces
in 2005.
Ethiopia has been an important ally of the United States in
Africa, and the stability of one of Africa’s most populous nations is
critical to American policy, especially in the important Horn of
Africa region. However, the violations detailed in the State
Department human rights report and in other accounts of
independent human rights organizations will only make this nation
more vulnerable to civil war or a foreign-supported insurgency.
Yesterday, a series of explosions in Addis led to the death of
one person and the wounding of three others in a blast on a
crowded minibus. This is part of a wave of attacks that began in
January and included three explosions earlier this month that
wounded three persons at a restaurant, a market and outside a
school.
America’s commitment to promote the respect for human
rights around the world demands that we examine the current
situation in Ethiopia and that we prevail upon our ally to live up to
its international human rights commitments while this situation can
still be salvaged. The discussions the Government of Ethiopia is
conducting with its political opposition and with our government
are good signs that some positive movement is possible. Other
humanitarian gestures, for example, the eye operation the government
reportedly authorized for opposition leader Hailu
Shawal, are also an important step in the right direction.
However, the current situation calls for more than small steps
taken slowly. If a crisis in Ethiopia is to be averted, reforms,
investigations and trials must proceed with all deliberate speed.
This is why we have convened this hearing today and why I have
introduced H.R. 4423 – the Ethiopia Consolidation Act, which we
intend to mark-up next week.
As I have said many times, “Friends don’t let friends commit
human rights abuses.” This is a perfect example of why we must
follow that dictum.
Chris Smith, Chair of
House Subcommittee on Africa,
Global Human Rights and International Operations
March 28, 2006
