I. The story is devoid of even the slightest academic rigor of a research
requires
Taking Blatta HaileMariam Redda and his interview (by the monthly magazine Wegahta
Nos. 1, 2 and 4 of 1993) as the single source of truth about first Woyanne not only shows
lack of rigor of Dr. Kinfe’s research but also unethical as it is a disgrace to those Tigrean
peasants and genuine leaders who died for the just cause of the first Woyanne. Patriotic
Pan Ethiopian Woyanne heroes such as Fetawrari Yeebiyou Woldai (Wodi Woldai) and
Basha Gugusa Mengesha who died with an Ethiopian gallantry for the cause of equality
and justice in Ethiopia are disregarded by Dr Knife’s article. Clearly TPLF leadership has
shown repeatedly its disrespect to these Pan Ethiopian patriotic Woyannes by giving
undeserved place in history of Woyanne to peoples like Blatta Hailemariam and
deliberately neglecting the history of Fetawrari Yeebiyou Woldai (Wodi Woldai), Basha
Gugusa Mengesha and Dejazmatch Bezabh Neguisse.
Frank Luttmer (1996) a famous historian and thinker said “the purpose of historical
inquiry is not simply to present facts but to search for an interpretation of the past.
Historians attempt to find patterns and establish meaning through the rigorous study of
documents and artifacts left by people of other times and other places.” But a vital in the
study of history is the unique place the historian takes in determining what he thinks
about the events and interprets these events within a given context. The context of the
historical time is also crucial for the understanding of history. In the writing the history of
Woyanne too, time is of essence that determines the physical and sociological
background this history rests. It is for this very reason that interpretation of historical
events and past decisions of people should be examined and understood in its context in
specific society at specific time and geographical place. Hence, what was the situation in
Tigray and Ethiopia in 1930s? And what kind and variety of resources should a rigorous
historical account of Woyanne has to have to be of high quality. The quality of historical
research depends on the rigor, and the quality of historical resources one gets. The
present is significantly path-dependent on the past. Hence, getting the historical facts
right helps in understanding the present and also to build a society better than the past.
II. Distorted and Politically Motivated Interpretation
History is ready for interpretation; it is always wide open to be re-written. However such
interpretation is only if rigorously researched. Exploiting this shortcoming of the nature
of history, people and groups have re-written histories in a way that fits them. Major part
of Ethiopian history is deliberately distorted. Dr. Knife’s history of the first Woyanne is
simply another distortion and unscientific without the required academic rigor of a
research. It is has no element of historical research and looks rather more propaganda.
The interpretation of the first Woyanne has been deliberately made to confirm the interest
and willing of Dr Kinfe and the TPLF leadership. The document is English translation of
narration by a certain person called “Blatta Hailemariam” who has never been a genuine
“Woyanne” or who cannot be taken seriously as representative of the first Woyanneti. An
English translation of a narrative of a single person like Blatta Hailemariam from one
side of the Woyanne rebellion does not meet the required academic rigor. For this reason
Dr Knife’s history about the first Woyanne is politically motivated and deliberately
distorted interpretation of one of the sad but unavoidable struggle of the Tigray people for
better governance in Ethiopia.
III. Wrong Facts, Wrong Interpretation: Distortion of History
There are two broadly held characterizations of the first Woyanne. The first categorizes
the first Woyanne as a civil war due to class struggle between the Tigrean peasant on the
one hand and the feudal aristocrats of both Shoa and Tigray on the other. The second
characterization is entirely the opposite that sees the first Woyanne as Tigrean (both the
nobility and the peasant) uprising against Shoa-dominated central government. Some
scholars such as Gebru Tareke (1991) and Messay Kebede (2006) characterize the first
Woyanne more of class struggle subscribing to the first categorization.
They consider the
role of the regional nationalism and their struggle for domination of political life as less
significant compared to struggle based on economic class elite. Indeed the Marxist idea
of characterizing all civil wars and violent conflicts as a class struggle is shared by the
1960s generation to which Gebru and Messay belong. They may still subscribe to the “all
explaining Marxist theory of class struggle”— which dictates all conflicts be explained so
as to fit in one box: the perpetual class struggle towards communism. I am of the opinion
that the first characterization is entirely wrong and unacceptable. The second is largely
true and in some cases there were more unity between the Tigrean nobility and peasant
rebellion than week class linkage between Shoan and Tigray aristocrats. The First
Woyanne was not a civil war due to class struggle.
In the beginning of the first Woyanne,
many Tigrean nobility understood the revolution as the usual peasants’ grumbling against
excessive taxation by the central and regional government. They saw it as sort of
opposition to their rule. But as the wise men of the first Woyanne from Raya area
explained their nationalist rationale for the uprising and extended their invitation to the
Tigray aristocrat particularly to Ras Mengesha Seyoum, the great grandson of Emperor
Yohannes IV, the reaction was completely different. The reaction of Tigrean nobility to
the invitation and Woyanne uprising was mixed as they were not part of the planning of
the revolt and entirely unsure of the probability of success even if they shared the
nationalist rationale for the uprising. Their mixed reaction to the first Woyanne ranged
from tacit approval of, and support to the Woyanne to non-cooperation and obstruction of
central Imperial governments order to quell the rebellion. Ras Mengesha Seyoum had
army under his command; however, it did not fight Woyanne. This mixed reaction
plagued the whole Tigrean nobility and process of the Woyanne revolution.
While keen in the objective of the first Woyanne in reclaiming the rightful place of
Tigray in Ethiopia political polity, however, the aristocracy of Tigray did dragged it feet
in joining a rebellion led by peasants. Indeed this reluctance is witnessed in almost all
literatures on first Woyanne. Dr Knife is right on this point. The Emperor Hailsellasie’s
regime understood the first Woyanne as Tigrean nationalist rebellion and conspiracy
against the Amahara dominated Emperial regime in Shoa. If it was class struggle and
nobility of Tigray sided with Imperial regime then why were all Tigray nobility including
the governor of Tigray Ras Seyoum and his son Leul Ras Mengesha put under house
arrest for long-time in far away places from Tigray. For that reason, Emperor
Hailesellassie and the Shoa nobility considered this as conspiracy between the nobility of
Tigray and the peasant Woyannes. It was difficult for the Imperial government to accept
that a peasant uprising could go this far and be successful as it was. Imperial government
was convinced that the success of first Woyanne was possible only because of the tacit
and unofficial support of the Tigray nobility. In all this revolt, it was assumed by the
Emperor that the nobility particularly Ras Mengesha and all other nobility of Tigrean
origin were in command of the revolt behind the scene. It is for this reason that Ras
Mengesha and Dej. Maru and others were removed from their position, arrested and
imprisoned in Addis Ababa for short time. All of them were tried for treason in the
Imperial court in Addis Ababa. Leul Ras Seyoum, the father of Ras Mengesha, was put
under Gizot (house arrest) in Addis Ababa.
“…the Ethiopian government, shocked by the scale of the resistance, was forced to
launch a comprehensive campaign to wipe out the Weyane. At this point Ras
Seyoum, who was suspected of collaboration with the rebels, was called to Addis
Ababa and replaced by Fitawrari Kifle Dadi and Dejazmatch Fikre Selassie
Ketema, who were appointed as Joint-Governors…” (Knife 2006:3).
The appointment of new non-Tigrean mainly Shoan Amhara governors for Tigray instead
the known nobility of Tigray significantly shows the mistrust the Imperial government
had on the whole Tigrean aristocracy. This does not show any class solidarity between
the Tigrean and the Amhara aristocracy. That is why one would find as ridiculous the characterization
of the first Woyanne as class-based rebellion between the Tigrean and Amhara
aristocracy on one side and the poor peasants on the other. At least on first
Woyanne, the Imperial aristocracy in Addis Ababa and the Tigrean nobility had no shared vision or interest due to the nationalist nature of the first Woyanne uprising.
IV. The Pan Ethiopian Nature of Woyanne
The slogans of the first Woyanne were clearly Pan Ethiopian and for equality and
autonomy. Their proclamation after liberating Mekelle had five main points.
Autonomous self-administration under Ethiopian flag and unity;
Administration by Tigrean Customary laws;
Appointment of ones own leaders free of domination by Shoan Imperial elite;
Eradication of thieves and badits (shiftas);
Objection to payment of excessive taxation and payment to appointee of the
Emperor.
When Basha Gugusa, one of the first Woyanne leaders, led the battle of
Ambalage on September 7, 1936 Eth. C. (1943) to victory over Imperial army which was well
equipped and supported by British airpower, he was asked by the English captured
military personnel to explain for them the reason for the revolt. His reply was that the
Woyanne uprising was “a struggle to remove Emperor Hailsellase.” (Tsegay 2000: 239).
The British extended their offer to assist the Woyanne if the aim is to secede from
Ethiopia and establish an independent Tigray country, to which Basha Gugusa replied by
slapping the British prisoners of war and told them Ethiopian unity was beyond question.
Indeed Basha Gugusa, unlike other leaders of Woyanne, was not imprisoned for this
act when the Woyanne was quelled (Tsegay 2000 :239). This shows the nature of the first
Woyanne: equality, group justice and better government in a united Ethiopia.
V. Two Causes of Failure of the First Woyanne
The following factors have contributed to the failure of the first Woyanne: lack of skills
of long-term military strategy, weak and nearly absent leadership and mobilization,
coordination problem due to geographical distance between the Zones (Awrajas) and
unsustainable supply of ammunition and food for the army. However, the following two
were the main factors to the doom of the first Woyanne.
1. The Dilemma of Tigrean Nobility: Class and Nationalism in Conflict
Indeed some of the Tigrean nobility were sandwiched between the Woyanne and the
central Imperial government. Even if most Tigrean nobility shared the objectives and cause of the first Woyanne, however, as it could be reasonably expected from the feudal
nobility of the 1930s, the reaction of many nobility to the ‘instruction’ of ‘peasant’
Woyannes to join the rebellion or face death was negative. For the Tigrean nobility the
daring nature of the first Woyanne brought a mixed feeling: support to the cause of
Tigrean nationalism and quest for fair treatment under Ethiopian monarchy at the same
time reluctance to work under the instruction of the peasant Woyanneti. This dilemma led to mistrust among the nobility contributing to weak coordination and leadership
of the uprising. The dilemma also has caused lack of resoluteness on the side of the
Tigrean nobility how to react to Woyanne: on the one hand the discomfort of being led by
peasants and on the other the immorality of attacking your own people with
justifiable cause for uprising. This indecisiveness led to half-hearted, failed attempts
of peaceful negotiations between the Tigrean nobility and the Woyanneti. For example,
Dej. Abay Kahssay was the governor of Endderta Awraja; he ordered the return of all
property including cattle and arms that were taken by the Woyanneti in exchange for
peace. His order came from Hewane, where he was based at that time with other Tigrean
administrators such as Dej. Atsebeha. An agreement was reached between the governor
and the Woyanneti to return the property and to solve the problem peacefully. To this
effect a date was set on Ginbot 5, 1935 E.C. (May 1943). However, just before this date, a battle
would be fought at a place called Esra Emba, near Mai Nebri, between the army of Dej.
Abay Kahssay and Woyentee. Both particularly the nobility of Tigray and Woyentee
were interested to solve the problem peacefully and the fighting was considered
meaningless battle between brothers. Indeed Woyentee and some of the aristocrats did
beg Dej. Abay Kahssay not to fight this battle saying: “Let’s not fight; we are
brothers” ( Tsegay 2000:231). This was a bloody battle and unnecessary as the rulers at
that time were interested to solve the problem peacefully. Moreover, as many witnessed
this was a surprise attack on the army of the governor of Endderta by the Woyanneti.
They were not ready for the attack as they assumed peacefully negotiated settlement of
the problem was possible. And perhaps they underestimated the gallant Raya Azebo
peasants. Dej. Abay was captured in this battle and was released under the request of Dej.
Mengesha Seyoum. Again this is another critical evidence of the character of the Woyanne
uprising and its respect to the Tigrean nobility. This signifies how Woyanneti and
Tigrean nobility saw the Woyanne uprising as nationalist struggle for Tigray glory and
autonomy.
Indeed several Pan Ethiopian Pro-Equality members of Tigrean nobility were victims of
their indecisiveness and dilemma. The following members of the Tigray aristocracy were
killed in the battles: Dej. Atsebeha Tessema, governor of Selawa, Dej. Alemayohu Habtu,
Dej. Teferi Aba Bula, Fet. Hadgu Bogale, Graz. Abebe Weldregis, Fet. Alemayouh, and
Fet. Liben. Where as the following were captured and were treated well and with respect
in accordance with the culture of Tigray treatment of prisoners of war: Dej. Kahssay Abay,
Dej. Beyene Woreta, Fet. Eyasu Atsebaha, Fet. Bistue Weldejiworgis, Fet. Assegu Seyfu,
Keaz. Ambayou Fiseha, Fet. Berhe Engeda, and Shum Temben Hadgu Tedla. These all
were Ethiopian patriots who fought against colonial fascist Italy for independence and
freedom on the side of Ras Ababe Aregai, who turned later a number one enemy of
Tigray during the Woyanne uprising.
The dilemma of Tigrean nobility has also led to weak or nearly absent coordination of the
uprising in the whole of Tigray. Main areas of rebel were: Raya, Wejjerat,
Enda’mokoney, Deg’ua Selawa and Tembien some areas of Afar, Dedeba Dergajen and
Mekelle. The rest of Tigray heard about the uprising late and did not get sufficient time to organize itself and join the uprising, albeit some efforts which could have been successful if there was enough time.
Only Enderta, Kilte Awlaalo, Tembien, and Maichew were fully involved. The
local chiefs of Agame, Aksum, and Shire remained on the fence until the outcome
of the conflict was known (Sarah 2003 :159-160).
Leaders of Tigray nobility including the Governor Dej. (later Ras) Mengesha Seyoum and Dej. Maru Aram would leave Emperor Yohannes Palace in Mekelle for Tiemben, significantly showing their tacit support to the causes of the Woyanne with significant indecisiveness in taking resolute position. Indeed in the battle of Da Yesus of Mekelle, Dej. Mengesha gave arms and weapons to the Woyanneti (Tsegay 2000: 235). Dej. Kassa Sebhat, and Lijj Kefle Tsion Gugusa has shown openly their support to the causes of Woyanne (Tsegay 2000:239).
2. The Superior Modern Imperial Army Murderous Attacks on The People
of Tigray
The first Woyanne was more of nationalist peasant uprising using the current and historical grievances of unfair treatment Tigray and Tigrean under the Shaon-dominated Imperial rule. Woyanne also made use of the past glory of Tigray since Axsum to the reign of Emperor Yohannes IV to mobilize Tigrean nationalism. Tigray as the root of Ethiopian Orthodox church was also used as political marker for such glory of Tigray.
Claim for self-autonomy and respect for the past glory of Tigray by the Shoan dominated Imperial government were at the center of the uprising (Gebru Tareke 1996:116 and Gilkes 1975:190 cited in Sarah 2003:158). For this reason the Tigrean nobility believed in the cause of Woyanneti for equality. This was shared for long time before the uprising of Woyanne by a scholar such as Gebrehiwot Baikedagne who complained about Emperor Menilik treatment of Tigray as if the people of Tigray were sworn enemy of his government. He treated Tigray not as a part of his administration. This was shared by both Tigrean nobility and peasants alike at that time.
Soon after the defeat of Woyanne, Ras Ababe Aregay, the Minister of Defense, was for short time appointed as governor of Tigray. He imposed various severe punishments most of them in kind. For example, Ras Abebe ordered his army to collect as 6000 arms from the inhabitants of Endderta, Hinttalo, and Selawa, where as Wajjerat and Raya Azebo 3000 arms. For all those who do not possess arms, a punishment of 103 Birr was imposed in lieu of arms and bullets. Let alone in 1930s, even now 103 Birr is huge amount of money for poor people of Ethiopia. Indeed for Tigray, Ras Abebe was an anti-Italian patriot turned murderer. He effectively implemented a very old Shoan conspiracy of weakening Tigrean autonomy that was designed since the reign of Emperor Menilik. The
British Royal Airforce was decisive in defeating the Woyanne rebellion. The superiority of the Imperial army and British Royal Airforce used against Woyanne was made succinctly by the Woyanneti as follows:
“Be Machew be Mekelle mech yigeba neber, be seamai new enji be manaqew
ager,” literary translated to mean: “They [the imperial army] would not have
entered via Machew or Mekelle, but came in by air – a route we had never known.”
This attack and campaign was a carefully designed, well coordinated and effectively implemented atrocity on the people of Tigray. The Shaon-dominated imperial government acted as if 1943 E.C was a year it has been preparing and waiting for long time: a year to crush the autonomy and glorious source of power of Tigray. Not less than the famous Shaon Chief of Staff, Ras Ababe Aregay would be assigned by the Emperor to lead this grand campaign to root out all Tigrean resistance and old Tigrean claim to the throne forever, and disempowered Tigrean people into life of the destitution. While Tigray was almost denied its source of power which is mainly the most ubiquitous arms,
glory of its history by the defeat and destitution, however, to the contrary these atrocities would mark another conflict in Ethiopia partially contributing to the secession of Eritrea after 30 years. The first Woyanne would have much long term effect than its own short span of life of six months.
“Even at the time, it was the suppression of the revolt, rather than the uprising itself, which had a lasting impact, being a main watershed in Tigre’s history. Following this, the emperor finally managed to demilitarise Tigre and thus deprive the leading families of the province of their source of independent power.” (Erlich 1986:133 cited in Sarah 2003: 158-159)
3. The Distorted History of Leaders of Woyanne
Who is “Blata” Hailemariam? and What does “Blata” mean?
“Blata” and “Banda” became synonymous after the Italian fascist invasion of Ethiopia. They both mean traitor. ‘Blata’ Hailelmariam as his title shows was ‘banda-traitor’ who fought on the side of Italian fascist invaders against his own country men and women Ethiopian patriots. For this the Italians gave him the title of ‘Blata”. This title was not Ethiopian, rather was Italian. He was appointed to be governor of Dandera district by Italian colonial forces for his assistance and service to the Italian brief occupation of Ethiopia.
He was fired by the then Governor of Tigray and replaced by Keaz. Kassaye Meshesha for his treasonable act as ‘Banda’. Protesting this decision, “Blata” Hailemariam killed Keaz. Kassye Meshesha and cut one ear of a cousin of Keaz. Kassaye. Since then ‘Blata’ Hailemariam became an outlaw (Shifta) until the Woyanne uprising. Apart from these all atrocities, he also killed several other people such as Kebedew Manna while he was trying to reach for a cry of a woman who resisted the bare-threat backed request of Blata Hailemariam’s request. The Woyanne revolt would rise while he was in his banditry in the borders of Tigray and Afar where he was in hiding. He was threatened to be killed by the genuine Woyanneti if he did not join. It was not his call to join a struggle for equality and autonomy. He joined Woyanne with a threat of death by the genuine Woyanneti of Raya and Wajjerat. He was outlaw for individual crime against Tigrean civilians and treason against Ethiopia he committed when he fought on the side of Italian colonial army. As stated above, “Blatta” joined the first Woyanne not on his volition but under
threat of being killed by the uprising as one of the objectives of the first Woyanne was to clear Tigray from banditry (shifta) and looters under the slogan “shiftas yiketel” (“bandits and brigands shall be punished”). It was neither his call nor his intention to fight for equality and self-administration.
‘Blata’ was like ‘John comes lately” or in Tigrigna what the veteran TPLF fighters call the late comers who joined the struggle against Derg in the 11th hour and were sarcastically referred to as “Akaburina.” Indeed he played no significant role compared to other leaders such as Basha Gugusa in the battle between Woyanne and the army of General Essyas at Quiha. He captured General Essyas as the military leader of Woyanne in a front Basha Gugusa Mengesha was commanding as the latter was wounded. Basha Gugusa was also the military leader of Woyanne whose command led to the victory of Woyanne over a modern Imperial army at Ambalaje. While Woyanneti were fighting against Ras Abebe and General Damtew at Ambalage in October 1936, he misinformed or prematurely decided that the war was over and ordered reinforcement to Mekelle where he was seated. He was partly to be
blamed to the defeat of Woyanne at Amballage front at the hands of Ras Abebe and General Damtew. In 1936 Blatta was captured and then put under house arrest. He would not go back to Tigray for two reasons: he would not be welcomed by the Woyanneti as they know he was partly to be blamed for their defeat and secondly victims of his previous atrocities would seek revenge against him.
He was rather opportunist traitor and anti-poor bandit. He had no pan Ethiopian feeling at all. He used as some TPLF leaders did the uprising for his personal gains. ‘Blatta’ Hailemariam has no moral ground to speak neither on behalf of Ethiopians nor of the Woyennti.
4. Serious Questions to TPLF and Dr Knife Abraham
“Wedi” Welday was the most famous warrior in first Woyanne. He could be taken as the famous and effective general of his time. Tigrean cultural songs were commonly praising him and his heroism. ‘Blatta’ never mentioned Wedi Woldai’s name in his narration of the history of First Woyanne par to his contribution and leadership in the first Woyannne.
“Blatta” Hailemariam never mentions the name of Dej. Bezabih. Neither did Dr. Knife’s article. Why is that so? In the case of Dr Knife this could be attributed to lack of rigor in his research, what about Blatta’s narration of the history of the first Woyanne? And worse of all, why did TPLF endorse the narration of ‘Blata’ Hailemariam as is? Why did not TPLF make efforts to fairly treat the history of First Woyanne? Why glorify ‘Blatta’ – a ‘banda’ and disregard “Wedi Woldai”?
One would think TPLF might not like the glory of Dej. Bezabih as TPLF was claiming that its struggle is class based. Dej. Bezabih is enemy seen from his class background. But why treat ‘Wedi Weldai’ unfairly? ‘Wedi’ Weldai was a successful heroic military leader of Woyanne. Perhaps, his contribution was much gallantry than Blata’s. ‘Wedi’ Weldai was from peasant family, from class perspective he could be associated to the claimed cause of TPLF than ‘Blata’s’ class background. Another additional difference was that ‘Blata’ was Banda of Italian colonial force while the others were patriots. Then why did TPLF endorse a Banda’s history and undermined a patriot’s history?
Gebru Tareke (1991) Ethiopia: Power and Protest: Peasant Revolts in the Twentieth
Century Cambridge University Press 1991 Kinfe, Abraham (2007) The Rise Of Weyane Rebellion Ii Or The TPLF – Part Two http://www.dekialula.com/
