But in the person of Meles Zenawi, Ethiopia’s autocratic leader, now
in power for two theatrical decades, are exemplified the mavericks who
see no need to be restrained by strictures imposed in bygone ages. And
Parliament has been the venue of choice for Meles Zenawi to
demonstrate his break with the past. This is clearly a
“no-holds-barred” politician, to borrow a phrase from the world of
wrestling. He rages at will against opponents, relishes mocking
Parliamentarians, and oft-times flings tactless words with startling
ease, all on live radio and TV transmissions to the nation. He cares
not who is outraged.
It was in one of those melodramatic moments in Parliament that Meles
deliberated on what it takes to be a capable member of his cabinet. To
be educated is not essentially indispensable, he said. Even an
illiterate person could be a member of my cabinet, he told a shocked
nation. All it takes to be a competent Minister in this cabinet is a
thorough knowledge of EPRDF’s program, he winded down triumphantly.
He was not bluffing.
Meet his long time Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development, and
presumed heir, Adisu Legese, now retired (pushed aside, some contend)
with generous perks since the 2010 elections.
Now, Adisu is no prototype of the illiterate Meles had alluded to.
Make no mistake there. He has been to elementary school, and then
proceeded to high school. In the 50s this was no small feat. More
impressive, he went to college. And he graduated. Undeniably, this is
a man with some education. But, alas, as has been extensively reported
over the years, he was trained to be a physical education instructor.
There was hardly the predisposition nor the need to apply himself to
the hard sciences.
Between his graduation and retirement almost four decades were to
pass. After a brief stint as a physical education instructor in a
public school, he spent roughly a decade and a half as an insurgent.
And then a decade as President of the Amhara region, Ethiopia’s second
largest. Finally, at the apex of his political career, he was Minister
of Agriculture and Rural Development.
The pride of the EPRDF, the ruling party, is its
agricultural-led industrialization plan. This is supposed to be the
answer to Ethiopia’s quandary of entrenched underdevelopment, the
means to food self-sufficiency and the emergence of a middle class in the
midst of Ethiopia’s rural majority. Unlike virtually all other
developmental schemes, the agrarian sector is at the core of this
blueprint. Fail there and the entirety of the grand blueprint goes
down the drain.
Two ministries, that of agriculture and rural development, were
initially entrusted with the primary responsibilities to oversee this
plan. They were later merged into a single Ministry of Agriculture and
Rural Development (MARD).
The Parliamentary Proclamation that established MARD lists its duties
as conservation and use of forest and wildlife resources, food
security, water use and small-scale irrigation, monitoring events
affecting agricultural development and early warning system, promoting
agricultural development, and establishing and providing agriculture
and rural technology training.
Unlike some other ministries, this is a turf where not merely
political but also technical leadership from the very top is crucial.
Adisu was by no means the professional the Ministry needed during its
crucial early years. It was only a question of time before morale was
to suffer.
Of course, there is more than misplaced Adisu to explain EPRDF-led
Ethiopia’s failure to attain food self-sufficiency. The failure is
structural as well as policy. What Adisu’s long tenure at MARD rather
explains is an ingrained complacency with the status-quo. There is no
sense of national crisis and emergency, despite consistent dependence
on food aid for decades. Food aid is expected and tolerated even
amongst policy makers. A distinctive case of
food-aid-dependency-syndrome has developed at government level.
Meanwhile, millions suffer. The Ethiopian government on Monday
acknowledged that 40 percent more people than last year are in need of
food aid. This means 4.5 million are hungry. USAID estimates many
more. Without food aid there will be devastating famine.
The tolls from past famines are shocking. The worst one lasted ten
years between 1888 and 1898. One third of the populace and 90 percent
of herds were lost. Eritrea was lost to the Italians as an immediate
consequence. But 60 years were to pass before another major famine was
to break out in 1958. Close to 100,000 died in Tigray alone. Tens of
thousands more died in the mid-seventies, mostly in Wello. But thanks
to food aid, famines have largely been avoided since. Only the
“biblical famine” of 1984-1985 was the exception.
And Meles savors any opportunity to point out that there were food
shortages, not famine, under his watch. This is supposed to be the
progress that should endear him to Ethiopians. And here lies the
mentality that has nurtured not only complacency and dependency but
also kind of a love story between the EPRDF and hunger/food-aid.
Ultimately, there is permanent hunger in Ethiopia because there has
never been a government accountable to an electorate that could throw
it out of office. Only under a dictatorship is permanent hunger
possible. Democracies do not go hungry for two decades. Hunger is a
political problem in Ethiopia. It requires a political solution.
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Corrigendum:
Professor Tecola Hagos writes:
I have two points that should be corrected or clarified so there be no
misunderstanding: 1) You referred to Emperor Yohannes IV as “King
Yohannes” that is a gross error if it is intentional. During the
period you were referring to, there was a treaty signed by Ethiopia
and Great Britain/Egypt on 3rd of June 1884 (Hewett Treaty) wherein
Yohannes is referred to as “Negoos Negust of Ethiopia” i.e. “King of
Kings.” Emperor Yohannes IV by then had already appointed Kings under
him. Emperor Yohannes confirmed King Menilik as King of Shoa in 1878;
he also appointed Ras Adal Tesema of Gojam as King Teklehaymanot of
Gojam and Keffa in 1881. Thus, referring to Emperor Yohannes IV as
“King Yohannes” is inappropriate and must be corrected.
Professor Tecola is absolutely right. My regrets. Thank you Professor.
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