I should like
to set the framework for the set of specific suggestions promised in Part Five
(b) of Six. Unity does not occur by chance. It takes commitment, hard work, a
sense of belonging; and cooperation from each of us. We cannot hate the ‘other’
and expect unity. The core principle in a multiethnic society is that one
cannot possibly love one’s country without recognizing, accepting and welcoming
the interests of others as part of the whole. The
missing link in advancing national unity and cohesion is finding common ground
and moving from rhetoric to action. What do I mean by that? I will be
specific and give this a human dimension.
A child in
the Afar, Somali or Gambella area should have the same rights and privileges of
access to economic, social and political opportunities as a child in the
so-called Tigray, Amhara or Oromia Region. Good governance enables each to
succeed. Discriminatory and tribal governance offers special privileges to its
ethnic group disproportionately and steals from every Ethiopian child. It thus invites
disaster for itself and its beneficiaries in the long-run. It cannot advance equity
or unity. On the contrary, it makes everyone vulnerable and insecure.
Ethiopians who wish to reverse this disaster that comes from political and
economic capture by narrow ethnic-based elite no longer need additional
material evidence.
These narrow
elites have become enormously affluent by capturing the state and its
institutions to advance and protect their interests. The governing party designs
and shapes public policies, laws, rules and regulations to its narrow
advantage. It selects who wins and who loses systematically. Parliament,
political parties, the executive branch, security, police, defense, the
judiciary and ministries all operate in tandem at the exclusion of the vast
majority. It bars civil society from influencing
policies and investments. For growth
to be meaningful, it must be accompanied by public policies that reduce
poverty, eliminate hunger, reduce inequality, raise individual incomes and
raise individual capabilities to enhance wellbeing. What does the current
system do?
The
TPLF/EPRDF developmental state’s growth and eventual fair distribution of
individual incomes and capabilities after–hundreds of thousands of children
and females have perished; thousands have immigrated; and billions of American
dollars stolen and taken out of the country illegally will not help the vast
majority. By definition, it is discriminatory and inequitable.
The
December 5, 2011 Financial Integrity and Economic Development press release
says it all. “Illicit outflow (that I had highlighted in Waves last year,” from
Ethiopia “nearly doubled in 2009 to US$3.26 billion” from 2008. This “African nation lost US$11.7 billion in
illegal capital flight from 2000 to 2009” alone. How did this happen? It
happened through “corruption, kickbacks, bribery and trade mispricing.”
Remember that Ethiopia is one of the “hungriest, unhealthiest and un-freest”
countries in the world, with GDP per capita of US$365. What is really lost? And
why should we care?
What are
lost are scarce resources that should go to education, health, sanitation,
factories, agriculture, private sector development, infrastructure, youth
employment and so on. The illicit outflow in 2009 exceeds all export earnings
of US$2 billion and net Official Development Assistance of US$829 million combined.
This is what led to the conclusion by the co-leader of the investigation, Sarah
Freitas, that “The people of Ethiopia are being
bled dry.”You dry resources; you deny
opportunities to this and the coming generation of Ethiopians. The system is so
corrupt that only direct participation and engagement by the vast majority of
the Ethiopian people will reverse this morally bankrupt downward spiral for
decades to come. Civic engagement is thus urgent and a matter of
survival.
The
country and its resources must be shared fairly, equitably and justly. This is why, for unity to take deep roots,” humanity is
more powerful than ethnicity.” Unity without justice and equity
is only a wish. Those of us in the Diaspora should ask simple questions and
answer them ourselves. Why are Ethiopians forced to immigrate in droves? Why so
much corruption and illicit outflow? There are two principal causes: poverty
and repression.
In my
view, the destiny of any Ethiopian should not be forced immigration because of
lack of opportunities at home and because of government repression, period. No
one should accept this verdict of the TPLF/EPRDF core as an acceptable and
normal fate. The leadership and its supporters demean, brutalize and character
assassinate each of us–even abroad–for a strategic reason: they are the lead
beneficiaries of an oppressive system that steals billions. They like the way
things are. Look at Burma and how long it took for the Burmese to gain a
modicum of freedom that compelled the Obama administration to send Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton to Burma for the first time in half a century. It is
freedom. It is common Burmese people and their political and civic leaders who
did it; and no one else. Activists were jailed, murdered and forced to leave
their homeland for decades.
By the
same token, Ethiopians and people of Ethiopian origin must reject imprisonment and forced immigration as a fate and
challenge the system that causes it. They must be bold enough to say that no
child should go hungry and no one who advocates social justice should be
arrested and jailed or forced to leave his/her country. Getting upset and
reacting only when a relative is hungry or arrested does not advance unity. This is why empathy for and sustained support to those
who fight for social justice and civil liberties, and for unity that embraces
diversity in Ethiopia is critical. This is why it would make enormous sense to
set aside differences and focus on commonalities. Those differences can be
ironed out in public space once democratic change becomes real.
For the
person who wrote a rejoinder to my series instead of the usual insult and
innuendo that is typical of the TPLF and its kind (to which I am used), I say
that Ethiopia must belong to all of Ethiopians. We must be courageous enough to
say that plunder, illicit outflow, discrimination, corruption, and repression
is not the way to advance national unity, sustainable and equitable development
that will put a brake on forced immigration. Sustained, coordinated and unified
peaceful resistance is the key. What do I suggest?
The
best strategy to save this and the coming generation for every Ethiopian child
in the country is to do the unthinkable: to accept one another; to listen to
one another; to cooperate and collaborate with one another; to work with one
another as citizens. How hard is this to do if we are open and willing? There
is another reason why cooperation is vital. The strongest guarantee for peace,
stability, security and unity for all ethnic and religious groups in Ethiopia–
that has many traditional enemies that wish to keep it divided, poor and weak–is
internal unity and sustainable and equitable development. Every Ethiopian child
deserves a chance to succeed within his/her country. No government can afford
to leave any child or group out, as is the case with the TPLF/EPRDF ethnic
policy.
What can the Diaspora do?
I am fully
aware that those of us within the opposition camp agree on one thing and one
thing only. That is, we oppose the TPLF/EPRDF. This is not enough. Do we agree
on the alternatives going forward except on generalities? I am not convinced we
do. Those of us who lived through the Imperial and Socialist Military
Dictatorship should know. We opposed; we helped depose. Where did we end up?
Ethiopia lost its entire sea cost and became land-locked for the first time in
its long history. This is the reason for my thesis that there is yet no shared
understanding of the problem among opposition groups. This leads me directly to
my first suggestion to the Diaspora community that, in large measure, enjoys
freedom. This community has no excuse not to appreciate, promote and nurture
life beyond ethnicity and parochialism. In other words, it has no reason not to
cooperate across ethnic, religious, professional, gender and demographic lines.
Yet, behaviors and actions counter cooperation and collaboration. Narrow
mindedness reduces the effectiveness of the community in advancing social
justice and freedom back home. It undermines social cohesion as Ethiopians, and
deters human potential. It makes us less credible globally.
It goes
without saying that as individuals and families, Ethiopians and people of
Ethiopian origin are highly successful. In my own extended family, I counted
six medical doctors and two PhDs in one event alone. We can build on our
successes and advance social justice; and leave a legacy for this and the
coming generation.
This
success is not the same thing as community and country social capital formation
and mindset. We are largely aliens to one another, if we diagnose how we relate
to one another as people from different language and religious groups. We go to
the extent of establishing different churches within the same religious group;
and seem to be proud of it. We tend to exclude. This kind of division is
exactly what the TPLF/EPRDF strategists want us to do. We do it for them for
free, at a cost to the country. We play political theatrics on the country and
its hungry and poor population and do not even acknowledge it. Division that
undermines cooperation is selfish. We can do the division debate once the
country is free from repression and oppression. I am not convinced we can
afford such luxury now. We need to pull together and advance the
democratization cause first and provide sustained and coordinated support to
those who struggle for peaceful democratic transformation within the country as
the Burmese are doing. It goes without saying that
support should be based on clarity of alternatives.
Within the
above context, below are a set of twelve suggestions for all Ethiopians in
general and political and civic groups in the Diaspora in particular. All are
action and results oriented.
Let
us stop demonizing and name-calling one another:
All
opponents of the TPLF/EPRDF agree that its governance must go. I am not
convinced that they recognize that their own divisions are agreeing are among
the lead causes of why it survives. They spend as much time demonizing,
demeaning and undermining one another as they do condemning the governing
party. The first priority is therefore to look at
one self in the mirror and stop insulting, undermining and badmouthing one
another. I suggest strongly that we stop this disastrous behavior and
practice now. It only helps the governing party. We should listen to one
another; work with one another; and focus on the bigger picture of saving the
country and supporting its diverse population. The struggle for Ethiopia’s
future is not in the Diaspora. It is in Ethiopia. Singular focus on Ethiopia
and all of the Ethiopian people strengthens mutual trust and confidence; and
contributes to national unity.
There are
numerous practical things activists and others in the Diaspora can do. Websites
and radio stations can collaborate with one another; civic groups can pull
their talent and financial resources and advance the common cause; political
groups can set their feuds aside and move in the same direction, urging their
supporters to do the same. The rest will follow; and those who struggle back
home and the Ethiopian people will have confidence in the Diaspora.
TPLF/EPRDF’s agents and paid detractors will have no place to go. They can no
longer divide us. It is our division that offers
them space to operate abroad as they do at home. Each of us can say no to badmouthing, character
assassinations and undermining within the opposition camp if we are willing and
daring.Say no to division now and you
will see a dramatic shift both abroad and at home.
Let
us leave a legacy and support the home front:
All
Ethiopian activists who struggle for national unity of a diverse population, inclusive
social justice and the rule of law–and suffer as a consequence–deserve our
undivided attention, financial, moral, technical, diplomatic and intellectual
support. If we stop demeaning one another and cooperate in these and other
areas, we can leverageour resources and make a huge difference in advancing
a peaceful democratic transition. Is it not conceivable for as few as 200,000
members of the Diaspora to contribute just one American dollar per month and
channel it to those who advance the democratization process peacefully? It is
then that they can influence vision and direction. This will help build
capacity and capability.
Let
us debunk ethnic antagonism:
Priority
number one in my book is to debunk the TPLF/EPRDF alien philosophy and
debilitating (incapacitating) strategy of irreconcilable differences among
Ethiopia’s 80 nationality groups. Ethnic-based political formation, and
organization works against national cohesion, optimal economic performance and
sustainable and equitable development. Among other things, it deters capital
and labor mobility and raises the cost of doing business. It nurtures elite
based corruption and nepotism. It undermines national unity and keeps the
country in constant suspense. It serves political elites at the cost of constituents.
Ethnic-based thinking, political formation and economic mismanagement, civil
conflict and wars are among the most devastating episodes in African history:
Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo illustrate the human and
economic costs. Yugoslavia fractured into tiny states.
In light
of these and more, let us start with what each one of us can do; instead of
blaming the regime for all our ills. That the regime is corrupt and repressive
is well documented. It is what we each can do that is not. We each can take
baby steps and reach-out to one another as Ethiopians and agree to disagree in
a civil manner. We can stop demonizing other ethnic groups including Tigrean
nationals. Why would we, for instance, suspect those who reject TPLF governance?
There is evidence to suggest that some of us in the Diaspora who oppose the
regime manifest such behaviors.We can
stop the toxic like transmission of information to our children and urge them
to accept one another as people of Ethiopian origin (humans and individual
citizens). We can tell them that we speak different languages and dialects but
have something much stronger in common: we hail from one country, Ethiopia, and
we are all Ethiopians. We want to save Ethiopia. How hard is this to do?
The
Ethiopian Diaspora is a model in some areas and a disaster in others. As
individuals and families, we excel. We are almost all educated and owe this
education and individual and family success to Ethiopian society, especially
the poor. With a tiny exception, a majority of us in the Diaspora who enjoy
freedom are cynical and are detached from the agonies of the people we left
behind. Political actors are among the causes of this detachment and cynicism. Those
who can afford to travel to the country as the ‘new tourists’ return and report
the glitz they see as development. They do not engage themselves in a
conversation with unemployed youth, beggars in the streets, the homeless next
to the Sheraton, the farmer outside Addis Ababa whose land is too small to support
a family, the small business person whose shop was just demolished to make room
for a high rise owned by a member of the new elite. Some are not conscious of
the fact that the mansion they build as a retirement home may contribute to
escalating prices. Someone put this paradox of a Diaspora that is detached from
the agonizing reality of the Ethiopian people not too long ago thus. “It is a
great day in paradise in hell,” so to speak. All these and more are within our
control to change. It takes will and determination. We can stop being part of
the problem.
2.Let us
embrace Ethiopia’s diversity as a national asset.
The premium I place on national unity of thinking as Ethiopians over
ethnic-political and economic formation should not be interpreted as a proposal
for homogeneity or the supremacy of one ethnic group over others. What I have
in mind is the principle and value that my compatriot, Obang Metho lives by:
“Humanity over ethnicity.” Ethiopia’s diversity is one of its greatest
strengths. Those of us who believe in national unity must recognize, defend,
preserve, strengthen and promote the institutionalization of genuine diversity
of the unique cultural heritage, identity and interests of each and every nationality
group in the country.
If we wish
for the country to be strong and prosperous and for all Ethiopians to move out
of hunger and poverty, we must safeguard the economic, cultural, social and
political interests of all ethnic groups; and make a compelling case of the
ultimate benefits of national cohesion over ethnic-fragmentation. Each of us
can build on the positive traditions of the country’s diverse culture.
Here is
the good news that debunks “irreconcilability of nationality groups.” Ordinary
Ethiopians are not inimical to one another. If they were the country would have
experienced social turmoil by now. Those who are hungry will go house to house
and rob their neighbors. Those angry with repression would go out and kill or
murder members of the governing party and ethnic elites who benefit from their
misery. Those whose lands are given out to foreigners would go out and destroy
large commercial farms and make the lives of the new landlords untenable and so
on. Their refrain comes from a strong culture of peaceful coexistence; despite
the seeds of animosity the regime tries to sow. I find no substantial evidence
of major ethnic hatred or conflict among the country’s mosaic. It is ethnic
elites who form ethnic based parties that cause mutual suspicion, mistrust and
antagonism. It serves their narrow interests. The governing party and allied
ethnic-elites fuel ethnic and religious conflicts as part of its strategy of
‘divide and rule.’ Throughout Ethiopia’s long and proud history, different
ethnic and religious groups have co-existed side by side peacefully for
thousands of years; and will in the future. What they need is good,
participatory and inclusive governance. Opposition parties, civic groups and
individuals who love the country and its diverse population must resolve not to
contribute or be party to ethnic-based political organization, leadership and
attitudes. They can build on their commonalties.
The
Diaspora can and should play a constructive role by promoting multiethnic and
religious harmony. Weddings, holiday celebrations, graduation ceremonies,
religious services and other social events can bridge relations; promote mutual
confidence and trust; break taboos that come from our individual and group
ignorance and so on. Those of us who live in the most diverse country (USA) on
this planet but cannot even acknowledge and celebrate events with one another
as Ethiopians and as people of Ethiopian origin. How difficult is it for us to
sit together and to talk to one another in the same event whether we are Afar,
Annuak, Somali, Oromo, Tigrean, Amhara or any other? I do not believe that
Prime Minister Meles’ government can dictate to us how we behave toward one
another; how we can embrace our diversity while contributing to our collective
and individual identity as Ethiopians who speak different languages but belong
to the same geopolitical space that is Ethiopia. It is our own choice to
include or to exclude. Inclusion is fundamental to sustainable and equitable
development. The Diaspora can and should take the higher road of social capital
formation beyond ethnic, religious, gender, professional and demographic
affiliation. I genuinely believe that such change in mindset will contribute to
meaningful national unity; while retaining diversity. It will undermine the
regime.
3.Let us be
courageous enough to defend national unity. National unity contributes
to national cohesion and is the cornerstone for sustainable and equitable
development. It is a matter of survival in a hostile world of competing national
and group interests. In my view, national cohesion whose institutional
foundation is human freedom and political pluralism is critical for durable
peace, stability, sustainable and equitable development and prosperity. A new,
promising, all inclusive, just and fair and forward looking society will open
up enormous possibilities for everyone, especially for the country’s bulging
young generation.
The party
in power will not advance sustainable and equitable development. Its model
works against national unity and cohesion. This is the reason why I suggest
that only national leaning political and civic formation, organization and
leadership would pose a challenge to the TPLF formulae of ethnic divide and
conquer and establish the foundation for national unity that is based on
genuine freedom for each member.
Those of
us in the Diaspora who enjoy freedom can and should reject narrow
self-interest, elite power grab, egos and hidden agendas wherever they emanate.
Success can only come from cooperation and collaboration and not from brutal
rivalry. There are no substitutes to cooperation across ethnic, religious,
gender, demographic and professional lines. If one rejects fragmentation, it
goes without saying that cooperation–while embracing Ethiopia’s diversity–is
critical if we wish to preserve the national independence, sovereignty,
territorial integrity and long-term interests of the country and its
population. If we all do this, Ethiopians will overcome poverty and hunger. [1]
Here is
the first step that we can take. Let us try to imagine that genuine cooperation
and collaboration among political and civic groups and the rest will go a long
way in understanding the problem we are trying to fix and in arriving at
probable solutions. This will not happen if we do not trust one another; if we
do not listen to one another; if we do not talk to one another as ‘adults’ with
wisdom. Suppose we all agree that national unity is essential for sustainable
and equitable development; and to change the current system. Suppose we endorse
a vision of a democratic, just, fair, equitable and inclusive and rule of law
based Ethiopia.
What would
it take to get there? How do we get there without reaching out and talking to
one another? The preoccupation with “Only my vision, my program and my party”
will lead us nowhere. Independent thinkers and civil society groups and others
in the Diaspora can and must insist that political and civic groups–at least
in the Diaspora– must break this silo mentality of “my way or the highway” if
they wish to be relevant to those who struggle daily in Ethiopia. I have had
the privilege of listening to and conversing with a new generation of
Ethiopians, who possess courage and stamina; who believe in advancing the
democratization process regardless of the human cost. It is this new generation
that is willing to sacrifice; collaborate among one another; learn from and
work with their elders that should give all of us hope. This leads me to the
question of relevance opposition groups within the Diaspora.
I suggest
that, if they wish to contribute as catalysts to the democratization
process–that should be anchored within Ethiopia among Ethiopians–political
and civic groups and individuals in the Diaspora should dare to be bold and
advocate Ethiopian national unity and identity, always embracing diversity and
the rights of all citizens. They should all be comfortable with the notion of
one country with a diverse population; and one destiny. They must have the
courage, wisdom, perseverance, patriotism and discipline to reject nationality
or tribe based political formation, as Ghana has done in its constitution. They
must have the courage to apply moral and material pressure on all political
parties and civil society organizations such that they recognize the notion
that the TPLF/EPRDF formula leads only to a dead end in which no one, except
the governing party wins. Unity comes when the rights, social and economic
interests of every citizen are recognized and protected under the law.
4.Let us all campaign against corruption
and nepotism
I and
others have provided ample evidence that show the economic, social and
political costs of tribalism and ethnic based discrimination and exclusion. The
governing party’s claim that its developmental state advances the common good
is totally misleading and false. In fact, it has strengthened administrative
and state capture based corruption to the tune of between US$8.345 and US$11
billion since the TPLF/EPRDF took power. In 2011, Ethiopia ranked 116th from
60th in 2000, a substantial decline. The country is more corrupt; and increases
in aid flow aggravate the situation. Corruption is so rampant that nothing is done without greasing someone
in the hierarchy and at all levels of government. Moral decay that reached an
alarming level is a consequence of corrupt practices. The cost to the society
is incalculable.
Compounding
corruption is concentration of incomes and wealth in a few hands; and a
monopolistic economy that is dominated by the party, its endowments and favored
individuals including foreigners. One of TPLF’s creations is EFFORT, a dominant
player in all sectors of the economy. It epitomizes ethnic affliction and
undermines confidence and trust in the economic system of the country. It
curtails fair and open competition.
Therefore,
political and civic activists in the Diaspora as well as ordinary persons who
care about their country and its starving poor can and should come together and
campaign against corruption. If they agree on a common cause, there is nothing
to prevent them from working together against a suffocating system that affects
most Ethiopians. They have the human, financial, material and diplomatic
potential within their hands to shame the regime. Here is where, good will,
determination, commitment, cooperation, collaboration and a unity of purpose to
do something good and concrete will go a long way to show the world that
Ethiopians in the Diaspora do really care about their home country and its poor
and hungry millions. Those who support the governing party should recognize that
the ethnicization and concentration of income and wealth, and the monopoly over
the pillars of the economy will undermine national unity and cohesion.
This
recommendation to the Ethiopian Diaspora in general and to activists in
particular is not done in a vacuum. Anti-corruption campaigns have gone global.
This “globalized spring” that began in North Africa and the Middle East has
spread to India, 900 cities and towns in the USA, Europe and Africa. Ethiopian
activists should exploit this trend that has gone ballistic. The key is to
understand the trend and act and not just react and moan. Greed, income and
wealth concentration and inequality drive these spontaneous uprisings. What
seems to be leaderless and virtual indignations and popular uprisings can be
unstoppable force that will change Ethiopia too. Even in the authoritarian
state of China, there were 87,000 incidents of popular unrest in 2005 alone.
What is common among these protests is social and economic injustice.
5.Let us insist on aid that meets human
needs. The TPLF/EPRDF regime has received more aid than any in the country’s
history. The question is whether or not this massive aid flow estimated in
excess of US$40 billion, US$3.5 billion this past year, has made a dent in
boosting incomes, reducing poverty and in creating domestic capabilities that
will create the foundation for sustainable and equitable development. By all
accounts, the answer is no. The 2011 UN Human Development Index ranked Ethiopia
174th out of 185 countries. This alone suggests that the primary beneficiaries
from aid and growth are party favored individuals and families, the governing
party and its endowments. Aid has, often, been used to punish opponents and to
reward loyalists.
Political
parties, civic groups, followers of different faiths, academics, professional
groups and the rest can play a prominent role by campaigning actively and
systematically in donor capitals, in front of foundations, Non-governmental
organizations, human and economic rights groups, churches, state capitals, tax
payers and so on that donor monies should go directly to the poor and should no
longer be used to enrich the few; to reward friends and to punish opponents.
They should insist on independent oversight either by donors themselves or by neutral
groups. They should be guided by the tested principle that equitable access to
social and economic opportunities is one of the most powerful tools toward
national unity and cohesion.
I will
provide a simple human example why this is doable, practical and essential.
Think of a child in Gambella who is forced to work on an Indian commercial farm
for less than US$1 per day; below the poverty wage. Imagine if aid money was
channeled to the poor in his community. He would go to school and will have the
possibility of becoming an engineer, a lawyer, a medical doctor, a teacher, a
mechanic and so on. The Diaspora must appreciate the devastating impact of
hunger on millions of children, hundreds of thousands of who are stunted.
UNICEF reports that “a child in Ethiopia that is stunted is less able to
fulfill its potential. Its ability to learn at school and later earn a living
and contribute to the nation’s wealth is forever held back.” The TPLF/EPRDF
regime has no empathy for these children. We should make it our business to
care. Corruption that diverts aid monies and illicit outflow of funds deprives
the child from Gambella and millions of others of opportunities. The
developmental state’s claim that the benefits of growth will, ultimately
trickle down to this child and to millions of other children is sheer madness.
I wonder how many of us in the Diaspora give credence to the popular phrase
“Ediget kale dabo yet ale?” (If there is growth, where is the bread?) Growth is
about enough food to eat.
The
pursuit of an uneven development strategy in a country where a single party
dominates politics and economics does not at all advance fair and equitable
investments. The chance of the child escaping poverty is almost zero. Born
poor; he will die poor. The national outcome of the model is alarming disparity
in development, incomes and wealth. Aid that is not governed by an independent
oversight tends to aggravate inequality and uneven development. In turn, this
will lead to insecurity and instability. The business of aid is not to
perpetuate dependency. It is to make the aid business obsolete by boosting
domestic capabilities, including the domestic private sector and smallholders.
Aid that does not advance human potential and freedom is dependency.
Here is
another dilemma the society will face if the current trend continues. Uneven
investment, income and wealth concentration in a few hands and in selected
ethnic regions will lead to civil unrest and conflict that no one can contain.
For this reason, each of us in the Diaspora: business women and men, teachers,
medical professionals, taxi drivers, artists and so on has an obligation to let
our voice heard as the opportunity arises. What is required is good will. If we
speak with a single voice, we can change minds. Look at the brave women and
men, girls and boys in the “Occupy Wall Street Movement.”
Ethiopia
is in worse shape than the USA; but here young people fight for a cause. The
Diaspora has all the freedom in the world to do the right same thing. Is it not
reasonable for those who are in the forefront of the struggle within the
country to expect that those of us who live in freedom sacrifice time, money
and labor to advance their cause? Is it not time for us to be bold enough to
question one another how hundreds and sometimes thousands would go to a musical
concert for hours but cannot spare time for a common social and humanitarian
cause: Human and economic rights? Love of country and the diversity of people
for which it is home require that we devote some time and spare some monies and
expend know-how to advance the need of a child regardless of ethnic or
religious affiliation. Unity and national cohesion does not just happen; it
takes people to make it happen.
6.Let us promote freedom of the press in
Ethiopia.
A quote
from Ralph Barton Perry is most appropriate for this recommendation. “Ignorance
deprives men of freedom because they do not know what alternatives there are.
It is impossible to choose what one has never heard of.” The governing party
arrests, sentences and jails journalists because it does not want the Ethiopian
public to know alternatives to repression and oppression. Those of us who enjoy
freedom know that a free press is the cornerstone of civil society. This
fundamental right contained in the Ethiopian Constitution does not exist in
practice. The governing party knows well that an informed public, especially
youth, demands transparency, the rule of law, fair treatment, a level playing
field in accessing opportunities and accountability. Ethiopia today is “one of
the un-freest societies in the world.”
Have you
ever wondered if the rest of the world knows the shameful and tragic conditions
of Ethiopian girls and women? In a country where human life has been degraded
and devalued, girls and women fare far worse than boys and men. Thousands are
shipped to the Middle East each month to work as domestic workers. As someone
put it in an Ethiopian newspaper, “They move from one form of death (poverty)
to another (servitude).” When and if they die (as is too often the case) from
physical and mental abuse, their government does not protest. Prime Minister
Meles was asked about the deteriorating and humiliating condition of girls and
women under his watch.He was told of
the unprecedented case of five and six year old girls putting acid on their
bodies and dying. He said that he did not know. Clearly, the Prime Minister
does only about his own and his extended family and not the rest. If your own
government does not care about you, why would a Saudi or any other master care?
It is the same thing that he said about hunger. “There is drought but not
hunger” in a country that is home to “one of the hungriest populations on the
planet.”
The bottom
line is this. Ethiopian life, especially those of females, has become cheap at
home and abroad. Increasingly, foreigners with resources get away with any
human rights violation on commercial farms and in factories. Ethiopians cannot
command respect in their own homeland. Those who hire and abuse Ethiopian girls
and women in the Middle East, North Africa and other places know the priorities
of the Ethiopian government: it is not to defend the rights of its citizens.
This is why a free and independent press is so vital. This is why the rest of
us should care and defend human rights with vigor and consistency. If we do not
value ourselves, no one in the world will respect or value us.
Opposition
groups, civil organizations, academics and youth in the Diaspora can and should
take the lead and shame the regime. There are numerous cases one can cite. For
example, they can use the shameful and degrading situation of girls and women
who are brutalized at home and abroad to rally supporters across the
globe.Their situation is underreported because
there is no independent and free press in the country.
There is a
second area of opportunity for the Diaspora as a whole and activists to
cooperate and scale up communication to Ethiopia. I propose that advocates of
freedom and democracy and the rest pool their talent, monies and know-how
together and support satellite television and short wave radio transmissions to
Ethiopia relentlessly. ESAT is an excellent model. The Diaspora can boost the
capacities of other modern communication technologies such as websites,
Internet penetration and social media through Facebook and others by providing
funds and knowledge. This too takes good will as freedom does not come cheap or
free.
I admire
the efforts of activists around the globe who spend their scarce resources and
time to keep the Diaspora informed about the home country. It shows an
indomitable spirit to keep connected with the home country. This collective
know-how and experience should, equally, zero in on the home front. This is
where the greatest gap for information and knowledge resides. It is time that
we fill this gap.
7.Let us empower the youthful generation
to lead.
We accept
the traditional model of leadership that is totally hierarchical and top down.
The struggle for democratization requires that we mentor, coach and prepare a
new generation of leaders that live and breathe democratic values. They values
place premium on cooperation rather than rivalry and personality. Roles and
responsibilities rather than personalities are critical today than they have
ever been. The Arab Spring teaches us that it is young people with passion,
technological savvy and commitment to country, people and cause that brought
down dictators. Ethiopian youth possess these attributes and more. Youth in
North Africa and the Middle East worked closely with all sectors of society and
attracted millions to their side. They died in the streets fighting for a
better day; and a promising future for themselves and for their society.
Ethiopian youth have the same potential as we see among those the regime arrests
and jails in droves. However, there is a gap. I am not convinced that my
generation has done anything meaningful to transfer knowledge and experience;
and to equip the young generation with leadership and management skills. My
generation has been totally insular and preoccupied with individual and
parochial interest. This is the reason why we have failed in creating
sustainable grassroots movements of any kind.
Ethiopia’s
demographic composition suggests that the social wave of the future resides in
its youth age population. It is this social group within the country that
receives no quality education that leads to jobs or the ability to set up new
enterprises that poses challenge and opportunity. It must have a promising
future. Otherwise, it is a potential time-bomb waiting to explode any time, as
in North Africa and the Middle East. It is this same age group that triggered
and led peaceful and popular uprisings in Indonesia, the Philippines and
Central Europe. These young ‘Turks’ did not lead revolts without training and
preparation.
The older
generation in the Diaspora has a wealth of knowledge and experience to transmit
to the new generation within and outside the country. Among other things, it
can launch a systematic and well-designed program of leadership training and
mentoring in public service and other leadership skills. Political and civic
organizations have the capability and capacity to integrate youth, especially
females, in leadership roles. This is within their control and is cost
effective. In turn, youth must reach out to and learn from their elders. They
must appreciate the need to anchor their efforts in their peers within
Ethiopia. Leadership training I have in mind must serve a social common
purpose. It is a partnership between youth and their elders that has enormous
promise; and we cannot afford to squander it.
8.Let us provide sustainable and
effective support to national leaning political parties and civil societies in
Ethiopia.
I am
convinced that the battle for Ethiopia’s future is being waged within the
country. The hearts and minds of the vast majority of the population are not
with the ruling party. Only less than 21 percent of the voting age population
shows trust and confidence in their government and its institutions. Qualify
enticement
Those of
us in the Diaspora must put our monies, knowledge, technical know-how and
diplomatic leverage where these will add value in the home front. While I am
not prepared to provide detailed plans in this venue, the opportunities are out
there and opposition groups, individual activists and the rest of us must
mobilize resources and transfer them to the home front in sustainable ways.
9.Let us persuade all opposition and
civic groups outside the country to convene a global all inclusive conference
to come up with a road map in support of the home front
If there
is one thing the majority in the Diaspora and the people of Ethiopia detest and
reject, it is political brinkmanship, silos, and hypocrisy. Fragmentation,
narrow group think, personality cults, arrogance, hidden agendas, one group
trying to undermine the other and so on will not advance the common and or
respond to the urgent causes of the Ethiopian people, especially Ethiopia’s
youth that is in desperate need of model leadership and guidance from the vast
human capital that resides outside the country. Fragmentation must give way to
cooperation, collaboration and solidarity.
In light
of the adverse effects of fragmentation, it is reasonable to call on activist
youth and civic groups to push for two sets of global conferences: one,
consisting of only civic groups and well known community, spiritual and
intellectual leaders that will discuss and agree on the a shared definition of
the problem Ethiopia faces and to recommend a set of solutions going forward.
Second, this civic group should then empower itself to call on all political
parties–ideally, those within and outside the country and if not, those
outside the country–to convene a meeting on peace, national reconciliation and
a democratic future for the country. This conference should, in my view, invite
international observers and extend the same to representatives of the governing
party. Youth must feature prominent in both conferences.
10.Let us resole to institutionalize a
strong global outreach
The
Diaspora possesses enormous intellectual, technical, professional and financial
capital that it can deploy across the globe and make all of the above
recommendations material and meaningful. It cannot do this with the current
fragmentation of resources and efforts. Civic groups are especially well suited
to advance this cause and to come up with a specific set of doable
recommendations for success.
The
strategic objective is not only to expose the governing party’s misdeeds; but
more important about the framing of alternatives going forward. Those within
the opposition camp can persuade and shift international public opinion from
the governing party to the Ethiopian people and to champions of freedom and
democracy through sustained and well- coordinated lobbying. The outreach effort
requires a dedicated and credible champion. I am aware of a couple of such
champions with global credibility; and will disclose their names at the
appropriate time and to the appropriate persons or groups.
