Mr. President, I’d like to note
the many challenges to democracy we are seeing across Africa today.
I have long said that promoting and supporting democratic
institutions should be a key tenet of our engagement with Africa, as
good governance is essential to Africa’s stability and its
prosperity. Africans are well aware of this and that is why we have
seen spirited democratic movements throughout the continent, even
against great odds. It is also why African leaders have committed at
the African Union with the Declaration on Democracy, Political,
Economic and Corporate Governance that they will work to enforce
“the right to participate in free, credible and democratic political
processes.”
The previous administration spoke often about its
commitment to promote democracy in Africa and throughout the world.
The current administration too has committed to encourage strong and
sustainable democratic governments, though it has rightly
acknowledged that democracy is about more than holding elections. In
his speech in Ghana, President Obama said, “America will not seek to
impose any system of government on any nation – the essential truth
of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. What we
will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and
institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance – on
parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition
voices are heard; on the rule of law, which ensures the equal
administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young
people get involved…”
Mr. President, I agree that we must
take a more holistic approach in our efforts to promote and support
democracy. Democracy is not just about a single event every few
years; it is also about an ongoing process of governance that is
accountable and responsive to the needs and will of citizens. And it
is about citizens having the space, encouragement, and ability to
educate themselves, mobilize and participate in that process. We
must help countries build such institutions and encourage such
space. And we must be willing to speak out against erosions of
democratic rights and freedoms – and not only once a country reaches
a crisis point such as a coup.
Mr. President, while some
African countries have made great democratic strides, I am concerned
about the fragile state of democracy on the continent, especially
within a number of countries set to hold elections over the next 15
months. In particular, I am concerned by the democratic backsliding
in several countries that are close U.S. partners and influential
regional actors. It is notable that the Director of National
Intelligence included a section on “stalled democratization” in
Africa in his public testimony last month to the Senate Intelligence
Committee on annual threat assessments. He stated, “The number of
African states holding elections continues to grow although few have
yet to develop strong, enduring democratic institutions and
traditions. In many cases the ‘winner-take-all’ ethos predominates
and risks exacerbating ethnic, regional, and political
divisions.”
Elections are only one component of the
democratic process, but still they are a significant one. The pre-
and post-elections periods in many countries are ones in which
democratic space and institutions are most clearly tested and face
the greatest strains. They can be the periods in which democracy is
at its best, but they can also be the periods in which democracy
faces some of its greatest threats. This is the case not only in
Africa; this is the case here in the United States and that is why I
have worked tirelessly to limit the power of wealthy interests to
unduly influence our elections.
Among those African countries
scheduled to hold national elections in 2010 are Ethiopia, Sudan,
Togo, Central African Republic, Burundi, Rwanda, Tanzania and
Burkina Faso. Guinea, Madagascar, and Niger, three countries that
have recently had coups, have also committed to hold elections this
year. And in early 2011, Benin, Djibouti, Uganda, Nigeria and Chad
are all scheduled to hold elections.
Mr. President, of all
these elections, Sudan’s is already receiving significant attention,
and for good reason. That election – the country’s first multiparty
one in 24 years – has the potential to be a historic step toward
political transformation in Sudan if it is credible. However,
restrictions on opposition parties and the continued insecurity in
Darfur have many doubting whether the conditions even exist for
credible elections. Furthermore, increasing violence within southern
Sudan is very worrying. In any case, the results of Sudan’s election
in April will have a great influence on political dynamics within
the country and region for years to come and will pave the way for
southern Sudan’s vote on self-determination, set for January 2011.
The international community is rightly keeping a close eye on these
elections, and we need to continue supporting efforts to make them
credible and be prepared to speak out against any abuses or rigging.
Similarly, we need to keep a close eye on the other African
countries holding important elections this year. Let me highlight
four countries whose upcoming elections I believe also merit close
attention and specific international engagement.
The first is
Ethiopia, which is set to hold elections in May. In his testimony,
the Director of National Intelligence stated, “In Ethiopia, Prime
Minister Meles and his party appear intent on preventing a repeat of
the relatively open 2005 election which produced a strong opposition
showing.” Indeed, in Ethiopia, democratic space has been diminishing
steadily since 2005. Over the last two years, the Ethiopian
Parliament has passed several new laws granting broad discretionary
powers to the government to arrest opponents. One such law, the
Charities and Societies Proclamation, imposes direct government
controls over civil society and bars any civil society group
receiving more than 10 percent of its funding from international
sources to do work related to human rights, gender equality, the
rights of the disabled, children’s rights or conflict resolution.
Another law, the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, defines
terrorism-related crimes so broadly that they could extend to
non-violent forms of political dissent and protest.
Mr.
President, Ethiopia is an important partner of the United States and
we share many interests. We currently provide hundreds of millions
of dollars in aid annually to Ethiopia. That is why I have been so
concerned and outspoken about these repressive measures. And that is
why I believe we have a stake in ensuring that Ethiopia’s democratic
process moves forward, not backward. With the elections just three
months away, several key opposition leaders remain imprisoned, most
notably Birtukan Mideksa, the head of the Unity for Democracy and
Justice Party. There is no way that elections can be fair, let alone
credible, with opposition leaders in jail or unable to campaign
freely. At the bare minimum, the international community should push
for the release of these political prisoners ahead of the elections.
And if nothing changes, we should not be afraid to stand with the
Ethiopian people and state clearly that an election in name only is
an affront to their country’s democratic aspirations.
The
second country I want to highlight is Burundi. As many people will
recall, Burundi was devastated by political violence throughout the
1990s, leaving over 100,000 people dead. Yet, the country has made
tremendous strides in recent years to recover and rebuild from its
civil war. In 2005, it held multi-party national and local
elections, a major milestone on its transition to peace. Burundians
are set to head to the polls again this year. If these elections are
fair, free and peaceful, they have the potential to be another
milestone along the path toward reconciliation, lasting stability
and democratic institutions. This would be good not only for
Burundi, but also for the whole of Central Africa. Burundians
deserve international support and encouragement as they strive for
that goal.
Still, many challenges remain. The tensions that
fed and were fueled by Burundi’s civil war have not entirely gone
away. And there is some evidence that the parties continue to use
the tools of war to pursue their political goals. According to a
report by the International Crisis Group last month, “opposition
parties are facing harassment and intimidation from police and the
ruling party’s youth wing and appear to be choosing to respond to
violence with violence.” Furthermore, there continue to be reports
that the National Intelligence Service is being used by the ruling
party to destabilize the opposition. If these trends continue, they
could taint Burundi’s elections and set back its peace process. The
international community, which has played a big role in Burundi’s
peace process, cannot wait until a month before the election to
speak out and engage the parties these issues. We need to do it
now.
Mr. President, Burundi’s neighbor to the north, Rwanda,
is also slated to hold important elections this summer. Rwanda is
another country that has come a long way. Since the genocide in
1994, the government and people of Rwanda have made impressive
accomplishments in rebuilding the country and improving basic
services. It is notable that Rwanda was the top reformer worldwide
in the 2010 World Bank’s “Doing Business Report.” President Kagame
has shown commendable and creative leadership in this respect. On
the democratic front, however, Rwanda still has a long way to go.
Understandably there are real challenges to fostering
democracy some 15 years after the genocide, but it is troubling that
there is not more space within Rwanda for criticism and opposition
voices. The State Department’s 2008 Human Rights Report for Rwanda
stated, “There continued to be limits on freedom of speech and of
association, and restrictions on the press increased.” With
elections looming, there are now some reports that opposition party
members in Rwanda are facing increasing threats and harassment. The
international community should not shy away from pushing for greater
democratic space in Rwanda, which is critical for the country’s
lasting stability. We fail to be true friends to the Rwandan people
if we do not stand with them in the fight against renewed abuse of
civil and political rights. In the next few months in the run-up to
the elections, it is a key time for international donors to raise
these issues with Kigali.
Mr. President, finally I would like
to talk about Uganda, which is set to hold elections in February
2011. Uganda, like Rwanda, is a close friend of the United States,
and we have worked together on many joint initiatives over recent
years. President Museveni deserves credit for his leadership on many
issues both within the country and the wider region. However, at the
same time, Museveni’s legacy has been tainted by his failure to
allow democracy to take hold in Uganda. Uganda’s most recent
elections have been hurt by reports of fraud, intimidation and
politically motivated prosecutions of opposition candidates. The
Director of National Intelligence stated in his testimony that
Uganda remains essentially a “one-party state” and said the
government “is not undertaking democratic reforms in advance of the
elections scheduled for 2011.”
Uganda’s elections next year
could be a defining moment for the country and will have
ramifications for the country’s long-term stability. The riots in
Buganda last September showed that regional and ethnic tensions
remain strong in many parts of the country. Therefore, it is
important that the United States and other friends of Uganda work
with that country’s leaders to ensure critical electoral reforms are
enacted. In the consolidated appropriations act that passed in
December, Congress provided significant assistance for Uganda, but
also specifically directed the Secretary of State “to closely
monitor preparations for the 2011 elections in Uganda and to
actively promote…the independence of the election commission; the
need for an accurate and verifiable voter registry; the announcement
and posting of results at the polling stations; the freedom of
movement and assembly and a process free of intimidation; freedom of
the media; and the security and protection of candidates.”
Mr. President, again these challenges are not unique to
Africa. Here in the United States, we too have to work constantly to
ensure the integrity of our elections and our democratic processes.
But I believe these upcoming elections in a number of African states
could have major ramifications for the overall trajectory of
democracy on the continent as well as for issues of regional
security. I also believe several of these elections could
significantly impact U.S. policy and strategic partnerships on the
continent. For that reason, I do not believe we can wait until weeks
or days before these elections to start focusing on them. We need to
start engaging well in advance and helping to pave the way for truly
democratic institutions and the consolidation of democracy. This
includes aligning with democratic actors that speak out against
repressive measures that erode political and civil rights. The Obama
administration has done this well in some cases, but we need to do
it more consistently and effectively. In the coming months, I hope
to work with the administration to ensure we have a clear policy and
the resources to that end.
