FikreSelassie Wogderess on Aman Andom and 60 officials

February 1, 2014

This article is a retelling of the Amharic narrative presented by former
Ethiopian PM Fikre Selassie Wegderes.
It is merely retold in English here. The point of this exercise is not to
translate the exact words of the former PM (author), but to promote a
thoughtful reflection of the narrative he presents. How credible is his
recollection? In this recently published book “We and the Revolution” the author
recounts what he saw and heard as a member of the monstrous Derg
military council in 1966 Ethiopian calendar ( or 1974).
What interests me most in the book is declared in the title: the fate of Aman and the execution of the “60” former officials. There
is barely any analytic or reflective value in this work, yet this is a story straight
from the proverbial horse’s mouth. This is the voice of the Derg’s
nomenclature. The author served singularly at the pleasure of Major Mengistu and ended up with a long jail sentence. Some argue
“not long enough,” but that is not at issue here.

Nevertheless, the former PM’s remembrances of these two events demand
our attention, if only for their long range historical significance on Ethiopia.
The discourse of sociology focuses on seeking discernible patterns in human
inter-relationships. In this case, the explosive social dynamics leading up to
the monstrous act can be sketched.  The
author’s main contention is that Aman Andom’s hubris, self-love, out right contempt for the Derg’s soldiers/leaders and insatiable lust for power had
driven him to conspire against the Derg that
respected him greatly. The man’s forceful and intransigent personality and his
conspiratorial actions against the Derg caused
the execution of the 59 imprisoned officials. There is cause -effect causation suggested
by the author here.

The Return of Aman

Ethiopia was in turmoil. Shabiyyans were
engaged in a rural-based armed struggle in Eritrea and the Eritrean-led Ethiopian
People’s Revolutionary Party or EPRP is beginning to wage urban armed struggle against
the Derg in Addis Ababa. The demand for a people’s
government was being voiced.  The 120 Derg (Committee) members decided they needed a strong,
well-known, incorruptible and capable General to lead them through the
turbulent times they had encountered at that moment. The emerging strong man
and chairman of the Derg military council Shaleka Mengistu, suggested that
Lt. General Aman Andom was
the right man to act as chief of the army. He was an upright man and has earned
his respect nationally for thoroughly defeating a previous Somali aggression,
when he led the Third division. Moreover, he had earned the respect and trust
of the Ethiopian troops. On these grounds, a group of soldiers led by Shaleka Nadew Zacharias was
selected to head to the palace, and ask the emperor HIM to approve the
appointment of the well-respected general Aman. At
the time, transitional military policies were made to look as if the emperor
still ruled and had willed them.  Upon
entering the emperor’s office, they saw a saddened and angry Emperor Haile
Selassie who had sensed the changing times for his monarchy. He welcomed them,
saying something like “ok, what is it that you want?” Major Nadew
Zacharia pulled out a paper and started reading the
demands of the soldiers. Firstly, secondly and so on, but when he came to the
issue of General Aman’s proposed appointment as chief
of the army “enough, stop right here” said the emperor and asked pointedly “who
gave you guys the authority to appoint and demote people anyway, what kind of
audacity is this…by the way, do you exactly know who Aman
is?” This was a prescient question indeed, as we shall see. The Emperor looked
intensely at the soldiers, and a few of them started nervously sweating. “Ok
continue reading” he ordered Nadew Zacharias, who had
begun to be hopelessly tongue-tied by now.

At this point, Shaleka Tesfaye
Gebre-Kidan who did not like what he saw, takes over
and pleads with a clearer and louder voice the main demands of the soldiers. He
said that corrupt generals have compromised the national security and defense
of the country, and thereby rendered the army weak and leaderless. Soon, Shambel Endale Tessema continued to remind the emperor how HIM himself, as
he is popularly known, had salvaged the famed and brave general from parliament
and made him head of the Third Division. He recalled how the nation had witnessed
a shining victory over the Somalis, all under Aman’s
command. Today too, we are merely demanding the appointment of this capable
officer, he added. “That is all we ask, we are not claiming to appoint or
demote anybody” just requesting that general Aman be
appointed to lead us, said officer Endale, assuring
the dignity and authority of the emperor. This demand was amplified by Lij Endakachew Mekonnen standing nearby. He pleaded with “Janhoy” along the lines: “What the “kids” really want is
for you to appoint this accomplished army chief to lead the army. The soldiers
control the communication channels anyway, so it is better for the Emperor to
decide on this issue now.” After a moment of silence, the officers continued
their demands that all political prisoners be freed. This was presented as one
of their key demands. The emperor interrupted and inquired “who are the
political prisoners?” Officer Tesfaye Gebre-Kidan responded by saying that this was a general
demand addressing all political prisoners, whoever they may be. The Emperor
shook his head sadly and thought “You have failed to understand.” Here the
author (former PM) agrees with the emperor. Namely, the soldiers had simply
repeated the blanket demands of students with special interests.  They were really pleading for the likes of
Italian Banda criminals like Haile Selassie Gugsa
(HSG) to be wrongly and popularly viewed as a “political prisoners.” Such
vicious traitors of the nation now released and celebrated as heroes! This was
tragic, for HSG was nothing but a notorious traitor and Banda in the pay of the
Italian “conquistadores” between1936-41.

Significantly weakened in strength and power, the aging emperor
continued listening to all the soldier’s demands and said “indeed, when
soldiers we order to go and die demand that an army chief be assigned, it is
difficult to deny this request. Hence we’ll look at your demand carefully and
provide responses, now go.”  Captain Kassaye Aragaw interjected that
the Army is awaiting a response from your majesty, what do we take back to the
soldiers? The emperor got up and left the room, telling them to discuss their
issues with Endalkachew, the provisional PM at the
time. In the end, the emperor approved that Aman lead
the army with the title of lieutenant General. This was regarded as a heart-
warming victory by the Derg. Immediately, Lt. General
proceeded to place his trusted officers in key positions, ostensibly to
strengthen his authority over the army and to strengthen the frayed command
structures. Working closely with Major Mengistu, the
incipient leader of the Derg, the general tried hard
to re-instill discipline into the badly fractured army.  He was now functioning as chairman of the Derg and minister of defense, with Majors Mengistu and Atnafu acting as
second and third chairmen respectively. The Derg had
denied the general the position of the prime minister, causing him considerable
apprehension from the start. He thought proudly “how could junior officers
criticize him and deny him this crucial position he sought? To the
international press, Major Mengistu was already known
in the international press as “the man behind Aman.”

From day one, the general had misgivings about how, hidden from the
public, the Derg deliberates and operates in secret.
He thought, a bunch of people with unequal knowledge, schooling, intellectual
experience and cultural capital cannot seat in a hall and argue about all
things pertinent to the state, and arrive at sound decisions. This kind of
deliberation could not result in effective policies. He voiced this concern
openly, much to the dismay of senior Derg members. In
effect, the general did not enjoy being a powerless leader and voiced his
consternation to Major Mengistu. That is, he had
found it impossible to work harmoniously with dim-witted soldiers and suggested
that a fourteen-man Military Council should be established under his command.
In his view, seven educated officers should be invited to join the seven Derg members he had already chosen. This was clearly a
direct threat to the revolution and its increasingly powerful Derg leader himself. Mengistu
explained patiently that the Derg’s strength resided
in its diversity and that they cannot suddenly start dismissing elected Derg members to fulfill the general’s objectives. Clearly,
in his thirst for more power the general had forgotten how he had returned to
power and had shown his utter contempt for Derg
members to the chairman of this cabal.

Soon the issue of Eritrea came up for discussion. Here the general was
in his elements as a man of Eritrean heritage. He suggested that the Eritrean
people had trust in him, and that he could propose a peaceful solution to this
long-standing conflict. Despite the suspicion that some Derg
members harbored against the degree of Eritrean-nes
of the general, he was dispatched to Eritrea to seek solutions. His visit was
triumphant, to put it mildly. He discussed with elders. He told them there was
no need to separate or secede, and that they can all enjoy unity with Ethiopia
as Eritreans. The following day there was a jubilant welcome for him at Saba
stadium.  The general made speeches in
Tigrigna and Arabic, and expressed his abiding love to the people, much to the
delight of assembled Eritreans. Soon peace will come to Eritrea, and the
soldiers will no longer have to fight all over the place. In fact, he ordered
the Ethiopian soldiers to abandon their strategic locations, to cease fighting
the vagabonds and return to their camps. This particular decision created more
suspicion and anger among certain members of the Derg,
including the ever suspicious Mengistu. What is the
general’s real agenda? On orders of the latter, Lt. Colonel Tesfaye
Wolde-Selassie was dispatched to Asmara to study and
clarify the issues surrounding the general’s activities. After visiting certain
military camps and interviewing various individuals etc., the colonel returned
to Addis Ababa within a week, and delivered his report in a meeting where the
general was present.

 Col. Tesfaye
did not mince his words. He reported that the Shabiyya
is stronger than ever and its units have taken over the strategic areas vacated
by the Ethiopian troops on general Aman’s orders. In
fact, there is fear that the vagabonds are ready to capture Asmara soon.
Moreover, the soldiers are complaining that the Derg
appears to be ready to have them all eliminated in their camps. The Eritrean
civilian population is worried too. Their members are demanding to be removed
to safer places as well. In fact, unless policy corrections are undertaken
immediately, the province will fall out of our control soon. The general could
hardly control his rage at what he is hearing, and at the end of the report he
exploded “Liar, dissimulator, you are concocting tales you did not see.” Yes,
the general had given orders to soldiers to go to camp in the interest of
peace, but the notion that the vagabonds had “occupied” the vacated strategic
places is an utter fraud! With these words, the general angrily walked out of
the meeting. In fact, he never returned to a Derg
meeting again. When major Mengistu called him the
following day to inquire about his wellbeing, the general told him that he was
“sick” with a cold, and assured him that he will return to duty as soon as he
feels well. The seething contradiction between the two had been ratcheted up
significantly. The group’s systolic pressure was rising.

Sensing his growing strength Mengistu had started
visiting military camps and giving agitation-laden speeches to soldiers. The media
reported his appearances and speeches as the general watched and listened to
the media from home. The general was obviously incensed and phoned Mengistu, clearly the emerging strong man of the Derg. The general wanted to know why the major is making visits
and speeches to troops without conferring with him, the Defense Minister. Mengistu answered that he merely wanted to create unity of
purpose among the troops. If that has offended the general, he offered his
apology. The incensed general said he does not comprehend what the major is
talking about. In any case, he was not one to be toyed with, and the general
abruptly hung up the phone. Mengistu began to be
seriously worried about what to do with the stubborn and haughty general. The
decision was made to go to the general’s home, explain the visits/speeches to
him and apologize again that it was done without the general’s knowledge. It
will not happen again. Moreover, to stem the public rumors that the general was
at odds with Mengistu and under house arrest, the two
should make a joint appearance at a function on Hidar
8. The general reluctantly agreed and seemed to have pardoned the infraction.

On the day of the planned joint appearance, the military radio program
announced that Mengistu had made yet another speech
to soldiers. Enraged to the extreme, the general questioned how this can happen,
especially after their recent agreement with the major. His disdain for the Derg boiled over and the general decided that beyond this
point it was no longer possible to work with these people. He promptly
cancelled the planned joint appearance with Mengistu.
The seething contradiction between the general’s position and that of the Derg’s leadership had surfaced again. The following day the
Derg met to discuss the problematic case of the
general, who had effectively removed himself from the Derg
now. It was still decided to somehow convince the general to return to his
duties, and a high ranking group of officers led by general Gizaw
was dispatched to mediate with him. The general was inconsolable and assured
the delegates that that he can under no circumstances play a puppet’s role like
the “Egyptian general Naguib” while the Derg consolidated power.

The Derg was clearly worried about the
general’s obduracy and decided to send the respectable Ras
Imru to intervene. Despite the latter’s best efforts,
the general insisted that he would not work under the leadership of junior
people he had raised, particularly under officers in charge of a weapon’s
warehouse. This was a clear reference to Mengistu. If
they want me to work with them, they will have to dismiss the assembled
soldiers and appoint people of my choice to the military council, he thought.
If they agree with this idea, let me know, and he promptly dismissed the
delegation. Ras Imru
explained the general’s position to Mengistu who then
transmitted it to the Derg’s membership. The Derg’s members were unable to entertain the general’s
perilous idea, and rejected his proposal. Meanwhile the general started
agitating against the Derg, particularly among
soldiers of the Third division that trusted him. Phoning the commanders he
falsely alleged that the Derg had dismissed him and
that he can no longer work with them. For instance, the army’s Geladin unit in the Ogaden became
insurrectional and started imprisoning its leaders. The general also prepared a
telegram urging all units to rebel against the Derg,
but before it was distributed the telegram fell in the hands of major Mengistu. Soon, a group of officers (Lt. Colonel Kassa Gebre-Mariam and Lt.
Colonel Aytenew Belay) came to Addis’ Fourth Division
(Derg’s headquarters) without official permission.
When asked about their presence, they informed the Derg
that the general had asked them to appear. At this point, the conspiratorial
intentions of general Aman had become crystal clear to
Mengistu.

The Decisive Meeting of Hidar 14, 1967 EC

On this fateful day, an urgent meeting was called. The compound was
teeming with activity. Soldiers with heavy and light weapons were everywhere.
Officers and soldiers hitherto unseen were on location and crowding into the
meeting hall. Seating positions were filled with delegates and soldiers
standing against the wall. The meeting hall was over-crowded and all the
delegates were apprehensive of what the agenda might be. In a little while, Shalekas Mengist and Atnafu walked into the meeting and assumed their honorable positions
on the podium. Mengistu was seated on the right side
and Atnafu on the left. The usual middle chair of
General Aman was absent this time, testifying to the
end of the general’s political life, the author tells us. Mengistu
informed the invited delegates that today “we will be discussing some heavy
issues” and this is why we have invited all members and “neus”
dignitaries from the provinces to give us their voices. Saddened and angered at
the same time and gesturing passionately with his hands, Mengistu
said “gobez” matters are taking a turn for the worst.
The man we had trusted and decided should lead us, has stopped coming to his
office claiming sickness. Soon we discovered that, rather than sickness, his
position was borne of anger at us. Despite the various emissaries of peace we have
sent to him, he adamantly refused to work with us. In fact, he started
agitating against us (the Derg) with certain officers
in the army. The details of his conspiracy have fallen onto our hands. Today’s
urgent meeting is about how we are going to deal with this troublesome matter
and solve it once and for all.

Most of the Derg members in the hall had
limited knowledge that the contradiction between the general and Mengistu had reached to this point and decided to keep
quite. Others decided that a peaceful solution must be sought to avoid the
impending danger. Yet others thought that the general must be imprisoned and
his conspiratorial activities exposed to the public. Still, a lot of the “neus Derg” members did not accept
Mengistu’s allegations about the general’s treachery
and proposed to go to the general’s house and talk to him once again. At this
point Mengistu’s was infuriated, his lips and cheeks
started quivering in fury. I do not know why you doubt and fail to believe what
we just reported? He wanted to know. “Everything is backed up by concrete
evidence and we can present to you the detailed information if necessary.” Mengistu was confident in his demeanor and utterances. Now,
Colonel Tesfaye Wolde-Selassie
has something to present to you, so listen carefully and form your own opinions
on the issue. Tesfaye moved to the podium carrying
his tape recorder and the incriminating information. What you are going to
listen to is the phone conversation between generals Aman
and Gizaw Belayneh. Since we
have other incriminating communications like this, with other generals and
military commanders, we will present them in due course if necessary.

On tape, general Gizaw makes a call to general
Aman and after the necessary greetings, Gizaw pleads with him to change his mind and return to
duty. Who am I going to work with? Inquired Aman. How can we lead a country with ordinary
soldiers and sergeants? He continued. Since there is an idea I have proposed,
unless they accept it (a 14 man junta led by Aman) I
am not willing to work with them, Aman thought. When
asked more about this idea, the general elaborates on the idea of dismissing
the Derg and creating a military Council (junta) of more
educated and capable military leaders under his command. General Gizaw explains the impossibility of Aman’s
ideas for the wellbeing of movement according to Mengistu.
Anyway, general Gizaw advises him to return to duty
and to try improving the current situation under his leadership. The angered
general Aman rejoins “you guys have failed to listen
to what I am telling you. Henceforth I am no longer able to work with these
rabbles that have “not wiped their asses!” yet. At this point Colonel Tesfaye stopped the tape and returned to his seat. The
silence in the hall erupted into angry murmurs and the members were visibly
livid at the general’s insulting remarks, writes the author. Shaleka Atnafu was biting his
lips in anger and Mengistu was surveying the members’
reaction. He had successfully stalked their violent instincts now self-evident
throughout the hall. The notion of “not wiping their asses” exemplifies the
level of contempt he held for Derg members.  This language had infuriated all present in
the hall. In Caesar’s language, “the die was cast” henceforth.

The Final Solution

Major Mengistu appeared both saddened and
angered by the feelings stirred in the hall and preceded to building his case
against the general. “The general’s plan is rather far-reaching and dangerous.”
Mengistu told the soldiers about the 14 man “junta”
the general had shared with him. He underscored his refusal to accept this
notion. Failing to convince him, the general had begun conspiring to hatch a coup d’état with other high-ranking
officers. His seditious plan was to release the emperor’s ministers and bring
them back to power. All this after our people had suffered and sacrificed for
centuries to get rid of them. We have the evidence in our hands and we can present
it to you, bellowed the outraged Mengistu. Again the
somberness in the hall erupted in rage and surprise at what they had just
heard. Fear, anxiety and alarm began to invade everybody’s mind. Feeling the
fuming mood of the soldiers, Mengistu made his pitch
“we are in a treacherous state of affairs in any case; the soldiers are forever
complaining that we are merely feeding the jailed emperor’s ministers…”

Now assured, certain Derg members started
making speeches about eliminating those who have forever oppressed the
Ethiopian people. Another voice added that if we don’t strike now, they will
finish us off. We need to take decisive action to curtail this dangerous
movement against us. The decision was leaning towards needing to take decisive action
against the imprisoned ministers. The author thinks that Mengistu
could have told the anxious soldiers that this issue is not in our agenda
today, and that we will certainly discuss it at an appropriate time in the near
future. Instead, he moved towards soliciting opinions in favor of the final
solution, as it were. He suggested that we (the Derg)
can end this rising and imminent danger against us only by taking fast and
decisive action against the culprits. Therefore we must unleash the final
solution against some of these imprisoned officials by a simple majority vote
opined Mengistu. Fearful, nobody objected this deadly
motion, except for Shaleka Berhanu
Bayeh who counseled that that the matter should better
be resolved by legal means. No one supported Major Bayeh
(head of the Derg’s legal committee)! The soldiers were ordered not to leave
the compound to go home, and the meeting was adjourned for lunch. All members
were immersed in fear and foreboding. The Derg’s
membership had surrendered to Mengistu’s will and the
gates of hell were opened wide open.

Now, it was time to take stock. Those of you supporting the death of
certain members of the old order, raise your hands, demanded Mengistu. Noticing that the “punishable by death” sentiment
was in the majority, Mengistu ordered Shaleka Getachew Shibeshi to bring the list of the prisoners. At this
moment, he announced that general Aman had failed to
surrender and that his house is surrounded. He quickly ordered Colonel Daniel Asfaw to see to his surrender or dismissal-elimination. It
was decided that each prisoner’s fate would be decided after lunch.

After lunch, Mengistu came to the hall with
his thick file of the prisoners. He said, continuing on the pre-lunch decision,
we will now go through their names and known crimes and decide by a simple
majority. First was the name of former PM Aklilu Habte Wold, and the endless number
of “crimes” he had allegedly committed. Those who want him dead raise your
hands and Mengistu placed a mark of death beside his
name. 17 of those sentenced to death in this way were generals in rank.  In this mode, over 250 names were read and out
of these 53 were sentenced to die, including some members of the rebellious “neus Dergs.” Before the death
sentences were handed down, Colonel Daniel walked in to announce the suicide of
Aman to a smiling Mengistu.
The latter announced that the general had started resisting arrest and that his
house was crushed by a tank and the general had committed suicide. On this
note, the soldiers were dismissed for a break until 10:00 PM. Upon return to
the hall four commanders were called in to bear witness the Derg’s
decisive actions. They were generals Jagamma Kello, Gizaw Belayneh,
Tadesse Gabre, Worku Mekonnen.
They leave the meeting.

At midnight, Shaleka  Getachew  Shibeshi came into
the meeting hall to explain how effectively the summary executions of former
officials had been carried out. With this diabolical execution, the old order
was disintegrating.  The meeting of this long night lasted until 1:00 AM.
A statement of the execution was prepared to be read the following day, accompanied
by “Yefiyel Wotette!” The confused, exhausted and morally bloodied soldiers
were ordered to monitor public opinion the following day and dismissed for the
night. That fateful decision reverberates into post Derg
times.

The author further alleges that even though there might have been some Derg officials that may have wanted the execution of former
officials, 80% of the Derg would not have voted in
favor of this dreadful decision, especially had it been presented formally and
debated soberly, as it were. In other words, all these men were controlled by
irrational circumstances and acted in a climate of fear, haste and anxiety. The
“60” were executed by a simple majority vote given by, for the most part,
outraged and anxious soldiers.  It is
clear to the author that all Derg members are legally
and morally liable for this criminal summary execution of imprisoned officials;
they all partook in it, as grand jury and judge. To some extent, they were all
participants in this atrocious act and must accept common accountability for
the consequences their decisions have wrought. For one, this criminal action
cemented the violent power base of Mengistu, both
within and outside the Derg, and initiated the
process of mendacity, barbarity and arbitrariness in the use and abuse of state
power in modern Ethiopia. The arbitrary use of repressive/deadly state power in
resolving troublesome affairs of the state had become normalized, so to speak.
This deliberate and ideologically buttressed extrajudicial bloodletting was the
inauguration of the Derg 17 year dictatorship and
many more crimes to follow.