At any given time there is an
Ethiopian journalist in detention either in the notorious Maekelawi, Kerchele,and Kaliti or at times as far in a place
as Assosa or even Gondar.Since the
mid 1990s, scores of Ethiopian media professionals were put behind bars. The
first victims of the government’s harsh response were the late Tefera
Asmare of Ethiopis newspaper and its publisher
Eskinder Nega. Tefera was forced to flee his country and died in exile in the
Netherlands in 2003.
In its latest report, the New
York based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) listed Ethiopia as one of the
top most jailers of media practitioners in the world. CPJ says there are six
journalists currently imprisoned in Ethiopia. According to a data compiled by
the media rights group, since 2001 about 79 journalists fled the country. With
that number, Ethiopia leads the pack of the top 12 countries that are hostile to
the independent press.
Ethiopian journalists are paying
prices for doing what every journalist is supposed to do, write news or express
views.The other week was
particularly difficult. In less than a week, two journalists were put behind
bars. No official reason has been given. Pieces of information gathered from
different corners lead to terrorism charges. How did an English language
teacher and part time columnist find herself to be a terrorist?How was a family man, who does his job
in full public sight as deputy editor-in-chief of a weekly, preparing to create
havoc? At the
moment only the guys from the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS)
have a clue.
As always the government
spokesperson doesn’t know about the arrest. “There are no
journalist arrests, incarcerated in Ethiopia,” Shimeles Kemal told CPJ
shortly after the detention of Woubshet.
The legal excuse
In August 2009 the Ethiopian
rubber stamp Parliament passed an Anti-Terror Proclamation. In short, this law
is intended to give blanket authority to NISS to lock any journalist under the
pretext of terrorism. Most of the
articles in that legislation are deliberately vague that the government can
take anything as an act of terrorism. Article 6 of the legislation says:
“Whosoever publishes or causes the publication of a statement that is likely
to be understood by some or all of the members of the public to whom it is
published as a direct or indirect encouragement… is punishable
with rigorous imprisonment… ” Of course, the underlined phrases can
be interpreted in bazillion ways. The legislation is full of such articles and
phrases.
Two years after that legislation,
the 99.6 Parliament labeled Ginbot 7, OLF, ONLF, al-Qaeda and al- Shabaab
terrorists. That was followed by the detention of Woubshet Taye of the weekly Awramba Times and Reeyot Alemu, the
columnist for another weekly Feteh.
Nobody can tell how long the
journalists will stay in detention. The vague law gives security forces from 28
days up to four months to put them in prison without charges.
Why them?
Woubshet Taye has been editor-in-
chief of Awramba Times, the paper
established in 2008 shortly after the release of its publisher Dawit Kebede
from the Kaliti prison. The last
feature Woubshet penned under his name was that of the June 18, 2011 feature entitled
“Shimiyaw Yet Yadersenal,”
an article about the rampant corruption taking place in the country. Though the
article is critical of the government’s lack of commitment to tackle the
problem, it is unlikely to touch the nerves of the occupants of the Arat Kilo Palace
to overreact in such manner.
Woubshet has been in the radar of
the authorities for a while though. In May 2010 he wrote a feature article entitled
“Where did these people go?” The paper put that bold title against the backdrop of a huge public
demonstration that took place five years earlier at Meskel Square.Following the publication of that
article, Woubshet was given a warning by the head of the Ethiopian Broadcasting
Authority, Desta Tesfaw, that he would be responsible for any riot in the
aftermath of the elections. Woubshet immediately resigned his job. However, he came back to the
paper three months later as co-deputy editor- in- chief. (That position has
been a safe bet for Ethiopian private press journalists for legal reasons). In
that capacity he wrote commentaries on topical issues. As Ethiopian authorities
are famous for retroactive criminal charges, before he knew it Woubshet may
find himself charged for an obscure article he may not even remember when it
was published.
The weekly Feteh is one of the most critical of the government. The paper has
already been charged with dozens of offences. Some even predicted the paper would fold.
But the story of their death seems to be greatly exaggerated. The paper’s
columnist Reeyot has been picked by security forces from the school where she
teaches English. Her house searched and she was reported to have appeared
before a judge in a closed court. But as a member of the faction of Unity for
Democracy and Justice (Andinet Party), she is a natural target of government
repression.
The way out…
Imprisoning journalists on all
kinds of trumped up charges has been a tradition for the regime in Addis. The
only thing that keeps changing is the pretext. In the initial years it used to be
defamation, incitement followed soon, and then treason and genocide became the plat du jour. Now the new song in town
is terrorism. The charges are
intended to scare sympathizers of the outlawed opposition parties. But locking
journalists or forcing them to flee will hardly be a solution to the
regime’s perennial fears. The unconditional release of the media
practitioners is the only way out.
