We all recognize and appreciate the sacrifices being paid by our people in Ethiopia in their pursuit of democracy and the rule of law. But, without a vibrant and a greater number of Ethiopian civil societies actively struggling for their civil rights, the opposition parties will be nowhere near Menelik’s palace. The preponderance of a silent majority especially overseas is a serious problem. Yet, the Ethiopian Diaspora is a hidden treasure with enormous human and financial capital. When we leverage such huge human and financial resources, act and speak with one voice, then we will be a force to reckon with.
The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) derives its power from the fragmentation and weakness of the opposition. The focus of the opposition is win-lose competition, yet it is time for win-win collaboration among the opposition parties to save Ethiopia first from the oppression and misrule of the TPLF. To effectively challenge the regime, opposition parties should break with the traditional factional politics because it is insane to do more of the same and expect different results. The opposition will need the harmonious and symbiotic relation with civil society to liberate Ethiopia from the ruthless and repressive regime. Therefore, it is time for the global Ethiopian civil society to reframe our direction and organize our own institution of an Ethiopian Patriotic Movement that is empowered with financial muscle and can mobilize Ethiopians in the Diaspora community to be active participants in the struggle. Some in Ethiopia tried class politics under the Dergue and then ethnic politics under TPLF; it is now time for national politics (popular patriotism) where we put love of country before party.
The destiny of Ethiopia is too important to be left only to the politicians. It is now imperative that we unleash the power of the masses by initiating the Ethiopian Patriotic Movement that will enable all members of the Ethiopian civil society globally to be actively involved in the process of liberating Ethiopia from TPLF tyranny. We have been watching things happen for too long. It is time for us to make things happen by being strong social activists. Democracy is not for spectators and bystanders. The initiation of an integrated resistance movement that transcends party politics should be particularly the responsibility of the Ethiopian Diaspora. In a broad-based grass-roots movement, everyone has the opportunity to contribute to our just and common cause for genuine democracy. All existing civil society organizations (CSOs) need to revitalize their operations by embracing the Ethiopian Patriotic Movement’s integrative strategy to transform or elevate the struggle from a reactive to a proactive mode.
The power that TPLF acquired by force can only be relinquished to another yet stronger social force. The Ethiopian Patriotic Movement is the right instrument to mobilize Ethiopians in the Diaspora and wake up the sleeping giant. Ethiopia’s history is best exemplified by unity in diversity. We are fortunate that we have a glorious past such as a multi-ethnic nation state, recognized as the cradle of humanity with our own Ge’ez alphabet and the Victory of Adwa, but the challenge of the day is to make our own glory. We have a choice to be indifferent or make a difference.
We can do nothing to erase the wrongs of the past, but we should certainly do everything now to build our future together. We should do everything to reverse the outrageous and destructive trend that is consuming our nation. Power concedes nothing without demand. Democracy is taken, not given. Finally, we need to (a) recognize how the tactical party politics and the strategic movement politics feed and strengthen each other and (b) take the necessary initiatives to strengthen their symbiotic relationship.
Part II – The Roadmap for Democratic Change in Ethiopia
The reality in Ethiopia requires the need for a collaborative effort by the Ethiopian civil society to be organized as an Ethiopian patriotic movement and the opposition parties to be united as an alliance for change in Ethiopia and accelerate the change process from the Current State (where the country is) through a Transition State to the Desired State (where the country should be).
The Current State
The status quo of despotism under the Tigray People’s Liberation Front is not acceptable because the regime is a personification of our common enemies of tyranny, poverty, disease, war, and corruption. Under the guise of a “coalition” government dubbed EPRDF, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front has demonstrated its anti-Ethiopia and anti-democracy stance in numerous shameful ways. TPLF separated Eritrea from its motherland, landlocked Ethiopia, waged a senseless war with Eritrea that took the lives of over 70,000 innocent people, ceded land to the Sudan, redrew Ethiopian internal boundaries and inflamed inter-ethnic animosity, sliced and diced Ethiopia into Bantustans, and massacred 424 Anuaks of Gambella. All these are treasonous and heinous crimes against the state.
Furthermore, TPLF stole elections from the people as it unashamedly did on May 15, 2005, murdered 193 unarmed pro-democracy protesters, and incarcerated opposition party leaders and thousands of their supporters with wild accusations of treason and genocide. The May 15 elections were, for the people of Ethiopia, a referendum on Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s regime and a vote of no confidence on his ethnic-apartheid policy. TPLF is an illegitimate regime misruling Ethiopia as a one-party state. But a single party state that does not rule by the consent of the people but rules by force of arms and intimidation is a negation of democracy.
Meles Zenawi’s regime continues to harass opposition leaders, suppress basic human rights, and practices extrajudicial killings, arbitrary imprisonment, and torture of peaceful political opponents. The Prime Minister has been a polarizing figure using elaborate network of spies all over the country to intimidate and control society. He banned NGOs that annoy him, passed a new catchall law that could make peaceful opposition liable to a charge of inciting terrorism, and has much blood on his hands as he has committed democide (murder of citizens by government for political reasons).
The TPLF has operated very much like a mafia organization. Many of the top leaders are connected by blood or marriage. The Endowment Fund For the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT) controls the Ethiopian economy. EFFORT controls the parasitic parastatals and the “GONGOS” (governmental non-governmental organizations) that pose as legitimate civil society development organizations, but are in effect agents of the regime. TPLF has stifled private initiatives by monopolizing land ownership, major businesses, telecommunications, the media, even fertilizer import and distribution, and allowing incompetent party functionaries to run the bureaucracy; yet under Ethiopian law no political party is supposed to own businesses. Moreover, the ruling group controls over $20 billion in official development assistance that Ethiopia has received in the last eighteen years. Yet, there is very little to show for all that money, as Ethiopia still remains the poorest of the poor nations of the world.
Continued polarization and paralysis of the opposition parties is not acceptable either. They must cease their factional politics. A party is a part of a whole that is attempting to serve the purpose of the whole, whereas a faction is a part only to itself and serves the interests of its narrowly defined group only. Because of factional politics, Kinijit, EPRP, and UDJ imploded to the delight of the incumbent regime and the disappointment of the electorate. Opposition parties ought to know that they would serve their party best, by serving their country first. Until opposition parties are big enough to admit their mistakes and wise enough to correct them, and until they replace their “my way or the highway” attitude with willingness to compromise, all our dreams for change in Ethiopia will remain illusive.
The Transition State
Meles Zenawi and his regime have no history of compromise, of give-and-take, and live-and-let-live. They have over thirty-year history of destroying anyone who stood in their way. Rigidity and violence go back to the roots of the ruling party’s Marxist guerilla days, as do its notorious and long-entrenched authoritarian practices. They have been incapable of transforming themselves from a guerilla movement to a governing political party. But efforts need to be made to break the current impasse between the regime and the opposition parties by providing a roadmap for a peaceful transitional arrangement.
Our goal is to bring about change in Ethiopia by peaceful means if we can, by force if we must. It is a foregone conclusion that Meles Zenawi will burn all bridges that he may have with the opposition and that a showdown will be inevitable. In that event, the dossier on Meles Zenawi’s horrendous blunders and crimes against humanity will be released to the International Criminal Court and “yehizb maebel” will be unleashed. While we shall continue the various modes of peaceful struggle, in the event our peaceful efforts fail, we the citizens not only reserve the right but also the duty to overthrow an unjust government that does not derive its just powers from the consent of the governed. We will rise in solidarity with our people to exercise our natural right to self-preservation–our just cause. As Thomas Aquinas said, “Resistance to a tyrant is obedience to the laws of God.”
Ethiopia is plagued by deep political, economic, and social problems that are threatening its very survival. The country is facing an alarming ecological degradation that is putting the future of Ethiopia and its people in jeopardy. The 2010 elections will be the defining moment. Because another fraudulent election will sink it into deeper crisis, efforts to prevent that from happening should start immediately. To that end, opposition parties should resubmit their demands for building democratic institutions and create a level playing field for a transparent, free and fair election. In the spirit of justice and reconciliation, opposition parties should seek the collaboration of Ethiopian legislators to try to pass such a resolution in Parliament and also enlist the support of the international community for the fulfillment of the following:
The legal system must be able to operate independently without any coercion from the TPLF.
All forms of state-owned media should be free and available to all political parties.
The electoral law must be improved. The National Election Board that is currently a partisan instrument of the ruling party needs to be restructured and be able to operate independently.
All political prisoners should be released.
Opposition party offices that had been closed should be opened. The opposition’s right to public assembly should be respected.
Harassing and intimidating opposition party members and supporters must be stopped.
Ensure the police and armed forces do not get involved in politics and take sides.
Allow election observers to ensure that the election process meets international standards.
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Failing that, opposition parties and the international community need to be prepared to pressure TPLF to resolve the crisis by negotiating the formation of a transitional Government of National Unity to accomplish the following objectives:
Set up an Interim Government of National Unity that will administer the country for a specific period of time (between eighteen months and two years) in accordance with the Citizens’ Charter.
Release political prisoners, and declare general amnesty for exiles and facilitate their re-integration.
Call a Constitutional Convention to draft a new YeEtyopia Reisse-Heg (Ethiopian Constitution) to replace the TPLF’s Hege-Mengist and present it to the citizens for a referendum.
Reorganize the national defense forces to be neutral to party politics and pledge to protect and defend the new constitution.
Draw up electoral laws and ensure that free, fair, and democratic elections are held where political parties compete for the new institutions of government and abide by the decisions of the electorate.
Hand over political power to the leadership of the democratically elected new governing party or coalition.
On the side of the Ethiopian civil society, a steering committee of CSOs needs to organize the Ethiopian Patriotic Movement and collaborate with the united opposition parties to bring about change in Ethiopia.
Here are four essential elements for social transformation:
1. VISION
The Citizens’ Charter is a clear alternative to TPLF’s regressive and divisive state-sponsored ethnic politics. The Charter reflects a vision of our desired future state. Public education of the Charter as well as party programs of the opposition is essential. Since TPLF has denied the people of Ethiopia their right to bring about a change of government through a democratic process, our struggle has now become saving Ethiopia from further destruction.
2. ORGANIZATION
In preparation to launch a save Ethiopia campaign, Ethiopian civil society and opposition parties need to reorganize themselves for greater effectiveness. Since improvements take place project by project, establishing project teams and building collaborative teamwork will be essential. There is also need to focus on priority projects that will be both attainable and highly rewarding. Convene an All-Party Conference of opposition parties and civic organizations to be engaged in a joint problem solving initiative and also debate, refine, and adopt the Citizens’ Charter. Forge an alliance for change in Ethiopia based on the unifying platform of the Charter. Develop and execute strategic and operational plans, including projects on lobbying, civil disobedience, mass protests, etc.
3. LEADERSHIP
The leadership of the united opposition parties and civil society need to steer their organizations toward the vital strategic priorities that support their vision and mission. The leaders must remove impeding forces and replace them with propelling forces. They must serve as coaches and facilitators and marshal the efforts of thousands of Ethiopians to “stretch” their goals and close
the strategic performance gap to achieve their vision. They must strive to derive energy from the active participation of women and the youth.
4. FINANCE
Devise a funding strategy to achieve these goals. Given the enormity of the task required to save Ethiopia, providing the necessary financial resources is imperative. Here is how we can raise our first million dollars with a “B.A.D.” idea. If 2,740 people pay $365 per person as their contribution on a Buck-A-Day basis, our seed money will amount to $1,000,100. In their struggle for freedom from fear and want, our compatriots back home are being incarcerated and others are sacrificing their lives. Our share of a dollar-a-day is but a small price to pay. Moreover, we are not heartless or powerless; and self-reliance is a must. Additional voluntary contributions and other forms of fundraising should of course be pursued. To illustrate the potential we have, take the example of 50,000 Ethiopians who travel for pleasure to Ethiopia every Christmas season and spend at least $3,000 per person amounting to $150 million.
The leaders of TPLF are driven by the hate politics of ethnocentrism. Our driving force is the love of our country. Love will triumph over hate. But nobody will do for us what we should do for ourselves. If we continue to blame TPLF for everything wrong in Ethiopia, we are not taking responsibility for failing to prevent them from destroying Ethiopia.
The Desired State
Visioning is about crafting a compelling image of the future. We the Ethiopian Diaspora must optimize our human capital by creating the right kind of an enabling environment for our people to help Ethiopia accomplish what the immigrants of USA and American-Born-Chinese returnees have achieved for their respective countries. Ethiopia has a potential of becoming the pride of Africa once again.
We need to initiate a national dialogue to debate what kind of government Ethiopia ought to have post-TPLF. To build a vibrant civil society, we need to practice participatory democracy to promote competition of ideas by debating national issues such as:
Should Ethiopia have a Presidential System like the U.S. or Parliamentary Democracy like the U.K.? (In the U.K., they don’t elect a Prime Minister; they elect a Party. In the U.S., a President can be removed from office during the 4-year term only by impeachment whereas in the U.K. a Prime Minister can be removed by a vote of no confidence anytime during a term of office.)
Federal State or Unitary State?
Unicameral or Bicameral Legislature?
Should Ethiopia adopt Liberal Democracy or Social Democracy or Ethiopian Democracy to replace TPLF’s Revolutionary Democracy?
What should be the best tax policy of Ethiopia?
What should we do to improve our land, water resources and the environment?
Others?
The main cause of Ethiopia’s poverty is the absence of the enabling environment of democracy that could have made development possible. With a population of over 82 million people, Ethiopia is the second most populous country in Africa. A founding member of the United Nations, Ethiopia is the seat of the African Union and the UN Economic Commission for Africa. Ethiopia is one of the oldest countries in the world with a recorded history of over three thousand years, and the only country in black Africa with its own Ge’ez alphabet and rich literature. Ethiopia is a source of the Blue Nile and is endowed with many rivers and extensive fertile land. Ethiopians take great pride in the fact that their country has never been colonized. How come then a country with such positive attributes and a great potential for being the pride of Africa, is yet one of the poorest countries in the world? The answer is obvious–tyranny, not democracy, is on the march in Ethiopia. Nevertheless, Ethiopia’s best days with unlimited possibilities are ahead of us because her destiny rests securely in the hands of her patriotic Ethiopians who will replace the rule of a tyrant with the rule of law. We shall soon proclaim, proud to be an Ethiopian!
Economists point out that there is a cause and effect relationship between democracy and development. Ethiopia and Africa will remain basket cases as long as governments are corrupt and are not held accountable for their misbehavior either by their own people or by the international community. If Ethiopia is to dig itself out of the current political and economic quagmire, there is no substitute for democracy and good governance. Furthermore, trading stability for democracy has not worked.
Regrettably, some in the international community not only seem to ignore the massacres and incarcerations of the past 18 years but also unwittingly condone the country’s race to the bottom by suggesting that Meles Zenawi is an improvement over his predecessor (a reverse benchmarking), by portraying him as one of the “new breeds” of African democratic leaders.
The greatest gift industrialized countries can offer Ethiopia or Africa is not money or more charity. If they really mean business, what they should first offer is a firm commitment to help the people in their struggle for political empowerment. The Western world will have a stronger and more reliable ally with a leadership in Ethiopia whose legitimacy derives from the ballot rather than the bullet.
With over 5 million HIV/AIDS victims, over 14 million exposed to “murder by famine,” and a significant portion of Ethiopia’s youth either unemployed or underemployed, our country has never been in worse neglect than under Meles Zenawi’s regime. An impoverished Ethiopia under Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s tyrannical rule could become a breeding ground for terrorism. The damages Meles Zenawi has done with regard to his ethnocentrism, the Constitution, land policy, Eritrea, the Afars, and the Nile are very troubling. With more than 40 inter-ethnic conflicts fanned by TPLF during the past 18 years, hundreds of thousands have been displaced and tens of thousands killed. If we are outraged by TPLF’s atrocities, and if we truly love Ethiopia, then there is no better opportunity than this time to prove our love for our country by doing what it takes to rid Ethiopia of its tormentor. If there is a will, there is a way.
There are three reasons to join a movement, namely, self interest, solidarity with a cause, and concern for others. Volunteer in any capacity of your interest and let us pledge to leave Ethiopia better than we found it. Let us take Personal Responsibility in Defending Ethiopia. May God bless our work!
DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES
We, the citizens of Ethiopia, bound by our common humanity, history, and shared values, proud in defending our culture, liberty and territorial integrity, pledge ourselves as one people, regardless of ethnicity,
language or religion, to build a secular republic that is a truly democratic open society based on freedom, justice, equality, and respect for individual human rights, property rights, and the rule of law, so as to achieve lasting peace, ethnic and religious harmony, with prosperity and progress for all of our people.
The Declaration of Principles represents the Ethiopian Dream and encapsulates the Citizens’ Charter.
“LET US SAVE ETHIOPIA” is a call to action for the Ethiopian civil society to be organized as an Ethiopian patriotic movement and for the opposition parties to be united as an alliance for change in Ethiopia. 09-09-09
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