COMMENTARY

Opposition minus clear policy + program = empty rhetoric



– Who brought TPLF to power? When will ex-President Mengistu face justice?

By Kidane A.
August 4, 2003


With reference to the article by Ato Andualem entitled: “I beg to differ” regarding G.E. Gorfu’s: “Constitutional Checks and Balances: I & II”, please allow me to draw your attention to one of the speeches delivered by Professor Asrat Woldeyes (God bless his soul), previous President of the All Amhara People’s Organization, in Washington DC, in which he had quoted the then President of Ethiopia, Ato Melles Zenawi, as having stated the following over the radio:


“…..Amaraw inkokko blo bayadersen noro Addis Ababa annegebam nebber.”

Now, please listen to the relevant statement by Prof. Asrat (Click here for the audio file) [no file found. – Ed.]

Therefore, Dr. Gorfu’s claim that the lion’s share of political power should belong to TPLF/EPRDF would not be justified even by the unacceptable logic as to who defeated the murderous Dergue regime. Fair minded people would recognize that the main reason for the defeat of the Dergue regime was because Ethiopians had had enough of its failed policy of pseudo-socialist/military dictatorship and dismal failure in its economic performance. By the time the TPLF and its partners were upon the scene, the Dergue regime was already tittering from the utter rejection of its policies by virtually all Ethiopians throughout the country.

One of the clear evidences for the above statement is the unprecedented, defiant debate that took place in the Ethiopian parliament at which the brutal dictator, Mengistu Hailemariam, was being confronted by tough demands and questions including the prophetic suggestion to him not to flee the country but rather follow the example of Emperor Tewodros! Mengistu preferred to follow the example of Idi Ammin (who is dying in Saudi Arabia) by escaping to Zimbabwe where he is still hiding but will he also escape justice? Ensconced in one of Harare’s suburbs, Mengistu is thumbing his nose at Ethiopians and insulting their intelligence by attempting to justify the gross injustices, killings and suffering inflicted against the people by a regime he presided over during the 17 years of his misrule.

12 years after his political demise, Mengistu’s crimes still go unpunished as the trial process is going on at a snail’s pace. In any case, whatever judgment might be forthcoming is likely to cause a great deal of debate or even skepticism. It may, therefore, be much wiser to transfer cases such as those of Mengistu, Idi Amin and their ilk to the International Court of Justice so that they would answer for their gross human rights abuses in a forum where no allegations of malpractice could be made. Such measures are important not so much for the punishment that would be merited and meted out to these culprits but, more importantly, for the lesson they would engender for future generations of humanity throughout the world.

Unless such heinous abuses are clearly established as international crimes against humanity, another Mengistu is probably in progress or in the making somewhere in Ethiopia or elsewhere in the world. It is fervently hoped that there has not been any deal, similar to the apparent one going on with President Taylor of Liberia, to set Mengistu free from his crimes as an exchange for his escape to Zimbabwe. It is, therefore, appropriate to voice this urgent plea for action by concerned people and governments as well as the Ethiopian Human Rights Council and the International Human Rights Organization to take effective measures to bring Mengistu to justice.

A small query to the international community, people of conscience around the world, and the International Court of Justice:

Who is the worse criminal: Milosovic or Mengistu Hailemariam? Isn’t it ironic that while Milosovic is facing justice, Mengistu who has directly participated in and presided over the murder, persecution and abuse of hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians is being harbored in comfort and safety?!


The support provided to TPLF by Ethiopians from many localities and ethnic origins in the late 80’s and early 90’s was based on the not-so-sound line of thinking that “the enemy of your enemy is your friend”. One wonders whether that level of blind support would have been forthcoming had people been aware of the impending transition to a policy of ethnicism, cessation, pseudo-socialism, continued poverty, the exercise of patently corrupt practices such as the heavy involvement of the governing party in unfair business operations, etc.

The important lesson gained from the on-going experience as well as the unbridled support rendered to the Dergue at the beginning of its political journey is that any backing of a political party, front, group, etc. without a full knowledge of its policy and program could bring about disastrous consequences.
The general tendency among Ethiopians is to focus on the failures of an existing regime and not so much on the appropriate alternatives. It is time that the debate shifts to discussions on alternative and, hopefully, superior socio-economic and political systems for the benefit of all Ethiopians.

The majority of Ethiopians in the diaspora is silent not because of fear of taking sides or lack of interest in political developments in Ethiopia but mainly because the so-called opposition parties either do not have or do not disseminate adequately comprehensive and clear statements of policy and programs. For instance, everyone tends to voice a great deal of criticism of current policies relating to the lack of democracy, the socialist land-use system, the country’s rampant poverty, underutilization of the country’s huge water resources, prevalence of pandemic diseases such as HIV/AIDS and malaria, ethnicism, recurrence of famine, instability and underdevelopment in the Horn of Africa, the dangerous rise of Islamic fundamentalism encouraged by some Arab/islamic countries that always wish to destabilize Ethiopia, etc. However, one does not see from the opposition parties clear strategies for dealing with these and other vital issues. It is, therefore, not surprising that many Ethiopians remain apprehensive and uncommitted.

In this context, Dr. Gorfu’s presentation on one of the most important issues of governance, namely, the formulation of an appropriate national constitution is worthy of appreciation. The thrust of his effort towards initiating a dialogue on a vital ingredient of good governance and democracy should be encouraged and supported. However, as Ato Andualem has so aptly put it, to give undue powers to a particular group based on its perceived military prowess would be a step in the wrong direction.

It would be wiser to strengthen visions of the future that would be characterized by democracy and equity and not of justifications for special dispensations of power for some people/groups based on military performance, ethnic origin, religion, gender, and the like. It is also time that those engaged in the formulation of alternatives to the present government system make their options clearly known and understood so that they would get the required support on the grass roots level.


From the Editor: Ethiomedia.com has not received nor posted Ato Andualem’s “I beg to differ” article on our website. But Ethiomedia respects the right of the writer, i.e. Kidane A., to share his views with fellow Ethiopians and the friends of Ethiopia.


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