It has been said
many a time that Ethiopians had already missed few good opportunities – more
than twice in a generation – for societal change. True, for quite a large
number of Ethiopians that aspired and struggled for a better future of their
country and its people, the time following the removal of the Dergue was viewed
as yet another missed opportunity where a solid foundation for an inclusive
democratic system that would usher in justice and equality to all of the
country’s citizens could have been laid. Nonetheless, and sadly, their hopes
and earnest desires were dashed as that enviable opportunity was maliciously
squandered by the current rulers.
By virtue of having
sprung from the “Student Movement” and having waged a bitter armed
struggle, and above all being the fortunate ones to have replaced the much despised
regime of the Dergue, and with enormous good will and generous support from the
international community, there is no question that the current leaders, more
than any in the past, were afforded with an unprecedented opportunity and were
in an enviable position that they could have properly used to put the country
in a position of solid unity, revitalization and renaissance. They, indeed,
could have used that highly desirable and ideal opportunity of historic
proportions to muster a genuinely all-inclusive and transparent transition to
guide the Ethiopian ship of state in a direction of viable societal
transformation, solid unity and a truly all-inclusive, nondiscriminatory and
participatory pluralist democratic order. Yes, they would have attained that objective
if they only had the courage, the will and the foresight to facilitate a level
playing field for genuine transition to take place.
But, as we all know,
what took place was the reverse.As
far as I am concerned to expect a different result could only amount to a mere
wishful thinking. What the country ended up with should not have come as a
surprise; simply because of the circumstances and the manner in which the
Dergue collapsed and the nature of the forces that replaced it. Those forces
could not be expected to do anything differently. And that is, as I said
before, because of the very nature of the organizations in question here; for
their myopic philosophy that is anchored in political ethnocentricity would, of
necessity, deny them a wider national perspective to see things from the
interests of the whole. That organizing principle adhered to by TPLF and its
likes was anathema to the very essence of democratic ideals of which
inclusiveness and tolerance of differing viewpoints are integral parts. Such
sectarian beliefs as are espoused by political-ethnocentric organizations like
the TPLF cannot stand for equality of all citizens and for core Ethiopian
national interests; as these fundamental values emanate from democratic ideals
and ought to be anchored in patriotic sentiments.
Of course, that badly
needed transition required sincere, inclusive and transparent national societal
reconciliation. Sadly, that was not the concern of the new “leaders”;
it was not even on their radar screen. Their preoccupation rested on
maintaining their untenable hold on to power by all necessary means. To that
end, they meticulously pursued a malicious policy of dividing the country’s
population along ethnic/linguistic lines. And that was done without due regard
to history and any due concern as to the ramifications of such poisonous
policies on the long term interests of the people as a whole. It can only be
proper to ask here as to why they chose to willingly squander such an
opportunity by deliberately ignoring a process that could have allowed the
creation of an enabling environment for democratic institutions to take root,
and by so doing deny the country and its people a formidable chance to
establish a solid foundation for democratization and progress. As we all know, that
reckless but devilishly deliberate policy established a new era of
ethno-centric dictatorship in the country; thus effectively dashing the
aspirations of millions for a new hopeful beginning.
When carefully
examined as to why they failed to use their enviable position history bestowed
on them to pursue a viable transition to democratize society and be the agent
of real change and be instrumental in breaking the cycle of dictatorship in the
country could only be rooted in the very nature of their organization. As such,
it was something inevitable and inescapably bound to happen. The nature of the
organization, TPLF, and its leadership, a preponderance of which were not
predisposed and did not have the mindset that would allow or entice them to see
things from a larger perspective where national interests of the country and
the populace as a whole had precedence and took priority over narrow and
limited agendas of a poisonous ethnocentric nature.
Thence, all their main
preoccupations and priories rested on their fixation of transitioning just
themselves from a one-party-dominated “transitional” government where
they singlehandedly had to pick and choose who should be part of and who should
not be included in it. The whole exercise was not aimed at fulfilling the
interest of the whole, but at maintaining a minority rule that they know too
well could only be sustained by dividing society no matter what the
consequences of such acts could entail. And they did that skillfully and with
textbook Machiavellianism.
Thence, by controlling
the whole process from beginning to end, they eventually propelled themselves
to be a-one-party-one-man government with ever increased authoritarian powers. In
the process, they sowed the seeds of division that was systematically aimed at
destroying the very time-tested social fabric. As planned, this dubious
endeavor led to the souring of relations among different Ethiopian language
groups. They took arbitrary, illegal and illegitimate measures that any
transitional government could ever think of doing. Such acts included their
abhorrent disregard for Ethiopian national interests as exhibited in their
incomprehensively aggressive and full-fledged detrimental campaign that
facilitated and clearly made Eritrean secession much easier; a fateful decision
that divided the country’s population in two and left Ethiopia landlocked.
Most of their policies
since then can be characterized as being consistent with their utter disregard
and indifference to the national interests of the country; including their gross
human rights violations of the people, their current endeavor of displacing
farmers and handing over fertile farmlands to foreign entities among which are
the country’s historical enemies, and secretly agreeing to transfer Ethiopian
land to the Sudan. The confounding irony is that proud Ethiopian peasant
farmers not only are being left landless, but are being made serfs to foreign
landlords, albeit in the name of “investment”, by a generation that
fought against few indigenous landlords under the undying and still relevant
slogan of ‘land to the tiller’. Such indignity should not stand at all. No
‘development’ is worth the sacrifice of basic human dignity of Ethiopians.
Of course, prior to all
that they shamelessly revived dead and absolutely irrelevant Colonial Treaties
where, unprecedented anywhere in history, a hard-won victory over an unprovoked
aggressor had to be relinquished so carelessly, audaciously and flagrantly. In
what amounts to a treasonous act, Meles and his ruling clique, in a repugnant
and disdainful disregard of the sacrifices of countless martyrs who paid the
ultimate sacrifice in order to stop, reverse and crush the naked aggression of
Esaias Afewerki, signed the so called Algiers Agreement. By so doing, Meles and
his clique effectively rescued Sheabia and handsomely rewarded the perpetrator
for his culpability.
One may argue that
TPLF/EPRDF leaders did what they did and behave the way they do mainly because
of the very organizing principle of the group in power that adheres to a core
philosophy of a poisonous and divisive ethnic politics of a deviant nature
which limits its members to stick to narrowly-defined goals governed by a
“we” against “us” mentality. It is, therefore,
understandable that, although they, at times, may be showing conflicting
posturing, the leaders lack overall national scope and vision. Additionally, as
part and parcel of society, they are prisoners of the old and seemingly undying
culture of violence that was only accentuated by the manner in which they
seized power. As I have said repeatedly before, whatever TPLF leaders have been
doing is not necessarily because of who the
individuals happen to be, let alone where they originate from, but because of
the very nature of the organizing principles of their group – the TPLF. We can
rest assured that if, God forbid, the country were to fall once again in the
hands of any political ethnocentric organization that follows the same
organizing principle as that of the TPLF, we cannot expect an administration
any better, if not worse, than the current one under Meles & Co.
In fact, it can only
be expected to be worse. And there are two reasons for that. The first one is
that in the last twenty years, Ethiopians under TPLF/EPRDF have been forced to
grow apart as “different and separate” entities –
“Nations, Nationalities and Peoples”. (It is worth noting here that currently
individual Ethiopians, as citizens of their country, have no say as far as the sovereignty
of Ethiopia is concerned. Simply because Article 8 of the
“constitution” of TPLF/EPRDF states that “All sovereign power
resides in the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia”. Thus, Ethiopians
are the only people on this earth whose individual citizenship right has thus
been “constitutionally” revoked.
Secondly, given the field of possible
candidates that may aspire to replace TPLF/EPRDF, there are forces that have
less interest in anything Ethiopian and who are even more utterly contemptuous
of Ethiopia and Ethiopianness.What
makes that nightmarish scenario a possibility is that those groups in question
are armed, and can only assume power through violence and with the direct and
indirect help of foreign powers.
Some may find this statement as an
unwarranted premonition. But to those with such thoughts, I say, please look
around and realize the gathering storm. As a direct result of convoluted and
reckless ethnocentric policies of the regime and its systematic and ruthless
political machinations, common Ethiopian identity is marginalized whereas
ethnicity has been highly politicized and group (ethnic) identities are
mischievously glorified, with special emphasis on differences. As a result,
group relations have worsened. And because of the ongoing unprecedented
political repressions, people are pushed to the brinks. The region is highly
unstable and radical influences are real. There is unprecedented level of
foreign involvement in the country. As a consequence of all that, the country is
vulnerable to societal strife; the prospect of which is made more disconcerting
given the fact that the country is without a credible and viable national
alternative – be it a political entity with a countrywide appeal and large
following or a national institution like the Armed Forces that earns the full
trust and wins the hearts and minds of Ethiopians, and is ready to fill the
distressing void in the country.
