Some of my compatriots and
others interested and involved in the subject matter have written and published
their views related to the issues in question, and I personally have published
a good number of articles, both prior to and in the aftermath of the 2005
Ethiopian parliamentary election. My most recent articles are cases in point: “Revisiting the Events,
Sights and Sounds of the Aftermath of the 2005 Ethiopian Election,” which was widely published on the 4th of December 2010 and
subsequent days, and “Reviewing the Damaging Effects of
Ethiopian Diaspora Politics on the Wider Community and its Future Initiatives:
The Search for Alternative Mechanisms,” published in February–May
2009 (also in four parts). In addition, I understand that a degree of interest
in the subject matter has been planted in a few college and university circles,
including international NGOs and even Ministries for Development Cooperation.
Also financial resources continue to be allocated for study and research on the
topic, especially in socio-economic and health-related fields. Further, given
the widespread diversity of readers’ views in areas of political
associations and ideology, it is somehow difficult to determine the genuineness
of their opinions and judgments based just on brief and unelaborated responses
and comments to published articles. It is nevertheless good and even a cause
for rejoicing to observe that some of our articles are being incorporated in
and used as discussion topics, teaching and research materials by some
institutions and universities, which can also be seen as a direct contribution
to students, teaching communities and societies in general.
Coming
back to the main topic of this rather short paper, let me briefly reiterate the
potential role and contributions of Ethiopian Diaspora politics to the process
of democratization, and more particularly, to freeing Ethiopia and its people
from the yokes and chains of the autocratic and divisive regime of MelesZenawi. As stated
repeatedly, loudly and unambiguously in my previously published articles, there were and still are multiple
opportunities and choices that could allow Ethiopian Diaspora political
activists to have an influence that is substantial and commanding, and
therefore meaningful; and to be actors and factors in shaping both the politics
and the future face of Ethiopia.
To make this possible, political activists and their supporters must be willing
to redirect their current disoriented convictions and approaches, such as
“who is not with us is our enemy” and “go it alone,”
which are unproductive. It is necessary to be prepared to speak with one firm voice. Even more essentially,
we must all be able and willing to cultivate and spread a sense of confidence
in each other, along with a collective courage to establish institutions that
operate professionally and within legal frameworks, remaining neutral with
respect to associations or affiliations with political groupings and political
parties. My stance is even that those establishing and working in such
institutions, in whatever positions, should be barred from any form of
association with or membership in political parties, and in the event of regime
change in our homeland should abstain from political ambition. Within maturely
structured and established institutions of this sort, Ethiopian professionals
trained in law and diplomacy can work together, design policies conducive to
reviving and/or restoring the diminished morale and confidence of fellow
Ethiopians, and engage tirelessly and responsibly in political and
peace-oriented activities and peace building, including planting the seeds of
credibility and integrity – not just in the land of Ethiopia and in our
Diaspora community, but more fundamentally, within the global community, and
its political and diplomatic circles in particular.
Institutions
of the sort described will provide tools and opportunities that well trained,
professional Ethiopians can seize to craft peace-oriented strategies that are
careful and wise, and which will help to move towards engagement in various
educational fields, to wage political and diplomatic wars directed at conflict
resolution, and to work against our common enemies of family or group
orientation and regionalism that have plagued us in relation to Ethiopian
politics. Thus this institution can provide the most appropriate place for us
to seriously engage in heartfelt reconciliation processes, bringing together
Ethiopian political activists and working to resolve both long smoldering
historical animosities and newly conceived resentments among various cultural,
social and political groups.
Since
the complex events of Ethiopia’s historical and recent past, including
its multifaceted cultural heritage, remain unknown and unrecorded – not
just for the international community at large, but also for Ethiopians –
the institution to be established should also enable Ethiopians and others who
work there to actively engage in this most fascinating research and data collection,
chronicling and analyzing forgotten aspects of Ethiopia’s history and
culture.
The paragraphs below, quoted from one of
my previously published articles about two tragic events that have hardly been
documented – the resignation of Prime Minster Aklilu Habte-Wold’s cabinet and the sudden murder of
60 civil and army officials by the brutal Dergue
regime – are illustrations that make evident the extent to which we
Ethiopians don’t mind, don’t seem to care, if we live in complete
darkness about the actions and measures undertaken by our own ancestors,
parents and even ourselves. These quotations clearly point up the urgent need
to establish the repeatedly suggested institution, which I have referred to as the Ethiopian Diaspora House.
“Even
worse and more painful, in addition to these unhealed wounds and unforgettable
scars in our recent history, we
also know so little about the sources and causes that contributed to the abrupt
resignation of Prime Minster AkliluHabte-Wold’s entire cabinet on the 26 or 27
(embarrassingly, no exact date of resignation is to be found anywhere) of
February 1974. Although this became a fertile ground for the emergence of the
people’s enemy, the Dergue, and the subsequent
structural crisis within Ethiopian society, this has not been explored and
written up. Except through verbal stories and jokes told in family
get-togethers and around coffee tables, most, if not all, Ethiopians have had
no factual account – for example, based on meeting reports or recorded
videos showing when, at which date and time, or indeed the exact reasons that
led to the resignation of the late Prime Minister Aklilu Habte-Wold’s cabinet. And who was or were
precisely responsible for this resignation of then Prime Minister AkliluHabte-Wold and his ministers?
Many Ethiopians say it was the Dergue that forced the
entire cabinet to resign. But surely there was no Dergue
or military committee at that time of their resignation? There was not someone
in Addis Ababa
at that time by the name of MengistuHailemariam.”
The second quotation states
that: “The story surrounding the
tragic, untimely and sudden murder of ministers, together with their compatriot
army generals and civil servants, by the power hungry and power intoxicated Dergue members under the leadership of the most inhumane,
cruel, anti-social animal called MengistuHailemariam, has remained buried, in exactly the same way
as the story of the resignation of AkliluHabte-Wold’s cabinet. No books, no films or video
recordings based on facts seem to have been produced. It is probably due to our
resulting ignorance that most Ethiopians of my generation often feel
uncomfortable, even embarrassed, to talk or engage in debates involving these
two tragic events. Yes, since there are no written meeting reports or video
records that might indicate why and how the members of the Dergue
reached their extremely cruel conclusions and decided to murder their own
compatriots, most of us know little or nothing about the precise facts behind
the killing of those 60 Ethiopian citizens in just a few minutes on the 23rd of
November 1974 – we only know that they never faced due process in a court of
law for the crimes of which they were accused.
As
time passes, later generations, including that of my daughter, will know even
less. What is most remarkable of all is the lack of concern and the disinterest
of Ethiopians in boldly confronting, exploring and writing about these painful
events, the history of our own crises, which are also our own creations.
Isn’t it tragic, even shameful, to realize that we Ethiopians still live
without books, professionally produced films or video records of such
important, fascinating but painful historical events?”MaruGubena in “Looking at
Forgotten Recent Events and Future Strategies Conducive to a Mature Political
Culture for Ethiopia: Putting the Cart Before the Horse?” published July 2006.
In conclusion, I will boldly and
unambiguously assert that an Ethiopian Diaspora House, if it were to be
established and take root, would unquestionably be not just a place that would
begin to revive our dysfunctional social relations, networks and diminishing
confidence and trust in each other; would help us to educate ourselves; would
be a place of diplomacy and reconciliation; but also would serve as a source of
pride in ourselves, pride in being Ethiopians – indeed an undisputed
source of strength and new unity.
MaruGubena
Readers who wish to
contact the author can reach him at [email protected]
